Sunday, June 30, 2013

More suspects arrested in top cop murder

More suspects arrested in top cop murder

Lesego Ngobeni | (EWN )


Gauteng police on Saturday arrested two more suspects who were linked to the murder of Gauteng General Tirhani Maswanganyi.

Officials arrested the first two suspects last Thursday.

The men are due to appear in the Pretoria North Magistrate Court on Monday morning, where investigators were expected to request a postponement to July 8.

All those charged will then appear together.

Maswanganyi's body was found bound and dumped along a road north of Pretoria just over a week ago.

“We can confirm that further instigations has led two more arrests in the case of the late General over the weekend,” said the police's Neville Malila.

“At this stage there are four suspects that are in custody.”

Barack Obama's speech to the University of Cape Town

Barack Obama

Barack Obama's speech to the University of Cape Town
Barack Obama
30 June 2013

US President notes that he took his first step into political life because of South Africa

Remarks by President Obama at the University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa, June 30 2013

6:14 P.M. SAST

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you! (Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.) Please, please, everybody have a seat. Hello Cape Town!


PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thobela. Molweni. Sanibona. Dumelang. Ndaa. Reperile.

AUDIENCE: Reperile!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: See, I've been practicing. How-zit? (Applause.) Did I leave anybody out? All right, well, I didn't want to leave anybody out here.

I want to thank Vice Chancellor Max Price, who's here, as well as Archbishop Njongonkulu. It's wonderful to have them in attendance.

I am so happy to be here today. It is wonderful to see all of these outstanding young people. I just had the honor of going to Robben Island with Michelle and our two daughters this afternoon. And this was my second time; I had the chance to visit back in 2006. But there was something different about bringing my children. And Malia is now 15, Sasha is 12 -- and seeing them stand within the walls that once surrounded Nelson Mandela, I knew this was an experience that they would never forget. I knew that they now appreciated a little bit more the sacrifices that Madiba and others had made for freedom.

But what I also know is that because they've had a chance to visit South Africa for a second time now, they also understand that Mandela's spirit could never be imprisoned -- for his legacy is here for all to see. It's in this auditorium: young people, black, white, Indian, everything in between -- (laughter) -- living and learning together in a South Africa that is free and at peace.

Now, obviously, today Madiba's health weighs heavily on our hearts. And like billions all over the world, I -- and the American people -- have drawn strength from the example of this extraordinary leader, and the nation that he changed. Nelson Mandela showed us that one man's courage can move the world. And he calls on us to make choices that reflects not our fears, but our hopes -- in our own lives, and in the lives of our communities and our countries. And that's what I want to speak to all of you about today.

Some of you may be aware of this, but I actually took my first step into political life because of South Africa. (Applause.) This is true. I was the same age as some of you -- 19 years old, my whole life ahead of me. I was going to school on a campus in California -- not quite as pretty as this one -- (laughter) -- but similar. And I must confess I was not always focused on my studies. (Laughter.) There were a lot of distractions. (Laughter.) And I enjoyed those distractions.

And as the son of an African father and a white American mother, the diversity of America was in my blood, but I had never cared much for politics. I didn't think it mattered to me. I didn't think I could make a difference. And like many young people, I thought that cynicism -- a certain ironic detachment -- was a sign of wisdom and sophistication.

But then I learned what was happening here in South Africa. And two young men, ANC representatives, came to our college and spoke, and I spent time hearing their stories. And I learned about the courage of those who waged the Defiance Campaign, and the brutality leveled against innocent men, women and children from Sharpeville to Soweto. And I studied the leadership of Luthuli, and the words of Biko, and the example of Madiba, and I knew that while brave people were imprisoned just off these shores on Robben Island, my own government in the United States was not standing on their side. That's why I got involved in what was known as the divestment movement in the United States.

It was the first time I ever attached myself to a cause. It was the first time also that I ever gave a speech. It was only two minutes long -- (laughter) -- and I was really just a warm-up act at a rally that we were holding demanding that our college divest from Apartheid South Africa. So I got up on stage, I started making my speech, and then, as a bit of political theater, some people came out with glasses that looked like security officers and they dragged me off the stage. (Laughter.) Fortunately, there are no records of this speech. (Laughter.) But I remember struggling to express the anger and the passion that I was feeling, and to echo in some small way the moral clarity of freedom fighters an ocean away.

And I'll be honest with you, when I was done, I did not think I'd made any difference -- I was even a little embarrassed. And I thought to myself -- what's a bunch of university kids doing in California that is somehow going to make a difference? It felt too distant from what people were going through in places like Soweto. But looking back, as I look at that 19-year old young man, I'm more forgiving of the fact that the speech might not have been that great, because I knew -- I know now that something inside me was stirring at that time, something important. And that was the belief that I could be part of something bigger than myself; that my own salvation was bound up with those of others.

That's what Bobby Kennedy expressed, far better than I ever could, when he spoke here at the University of Cape Town in 1966. He said, "Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance."

Now, the world was very different on that June day in 1966 when Bobby Kennedy spoke those words. Mandela faced many more years as a prisoner. Apartheid was entrenched in this land. In the United States, the victories of the Civil Rights Movement were still uncertain. In fact, on the very day that Kennedy spoke here, the American civil rights leader, James Meredith, was shot in Mississippi, where he was marching to inspire blacks to register to vote.

Those were difficult, troubled, trying times. The idea of hope might have seemed misplaced. It would have seemed inconceivable to people at that time -- that less than 50 years later, an African American President might address an integrated audience, at South Africa's oldest university, and that this same university would have conferred an honorary degree to a President, Nelson Mandela. (Applause.) It would have seemed impossible.

That's the power that comes from acting on our ideals. That's what Mandela understood. But it wasn't just the giants of history who brought about this change. Think of the many millions of acts of conscience that were part of that effort. Think about how many voices were raised against injustice over the years -- in this country, in the United States, around the world. Think of how many times ordinary people pushed against those walls of oppression and resistance, and the violence and the indignities that they suffered; the quiet courage that they sustained. Think of how many ripples of hope it took to build a wave that would eventually come crashing down like a mighty stream.

So Mandela's life, like Kennedy's life, like Gandhi's life, like the life of all those who fought to bring about a new South Africa or a more just America -- they stand as a challenge to me. But more importantly, they stand as a challenge to your generation, because they tell you that your voice matters -- your ideals, your willingness to act on those ideals, your choices can make a difference.

And if there's any country in the world that shows the power of human beings to affect change, this is the one. You've shown us how a prisoner can become a President. You've shown us how bitter adversaries can reconcile. You've confronted crimes of hatred and intolerance with truth and love, and you wrote into your constitution the human rights that sustain freedom.

And those are only the most publicized aspects of South Africa's transformation, because alongside South Africa's political struggle, other battles have been waged as well to improve the lives of those who for far too long have been denied economic opportunity and social justice.

During my last journey here in 2006, what impressed me so much was the good works of people on the ground teaching children, caring for the sick, bringing jobs to those in need. In Khayelitsha Township -- I'm still working on some of these -- (laughter) -- I met women who were living with HIV. And this is at a time back in 2006, where there were still some challenges in terms of the policies around HIV and AIDS here in South Africa. But they were on the ground, struggling to keep their families together -- helping each other, working on behalf of each other. In Soweto, I met people who were striving to carry forward the legacy of Hector Pieterson. At the Rosa Parks Library in Pretoria, I was struck by the energy of students who -- they wanted to capture this moment of promise for South Africa.

And this is a moment of great promise. South Africa is one of the world's economic centers. Obviously, you can see it here in Cape Town. In the country that saw the first human heart transplant, new breakthroughs are being made in the treatment of HIV/AIDS. I was just talking to your Vice Chancellor. People come to this University from over 100 countries to study and teach. In America, we see the reach of your culture from "Freshly Ground" concerts to the -- (applause) -- we've got the Nando's just a couple of blocks from the White House. (Laughter and applause.) And thanks to the first World Cup ever held on this continent, the world now knows the sound of the vuvuzela. (Applause.) I'm not sure that's like the greatest gift that South Africa ever gave. (Laughter.)

But progress has also rippled across the African continent. From Senegal to Cote D'Ivoire to Malawi, democracy has weathered strong challenges.

Many of the fastest-growing economies in the world are here in Africa, where there is an historic shift taking place from poverty to a growing, nascent middle class. Fewer people are dying of preventable disease. More people have access to health care. More farmers are getting their products to market at fair prices. From micro-finance projects in Kampala, to stock traders in Lagos, to cell phone entrepreneurs in Nairobi, there is an energy here that can't be denied -- Africa rising.

We know this progress, though, rests on a fragile foundation. We know that progress is uneven. Across Africa, the same institutions that should be the backbone of democracy can all too often be infected with the rot of corruption. The same technology that enables record profits sometimes means widening a canyon of inequality. The same interconnection that binds our fates makes all of Africa vulnerable to the undertow of conflict.

So there is no question that Africa is on the move, but it's not moving fast enough for the child still languishing in poverty in forgotten townships. It's not moving fast enough for the protester who is beaten in Harare, or the woman who is raped in Eastern Congo. We've got more work to do, because these Africans must not be left behind.

And that's where you come in -- the young people of Africa. Just like previous generations, you've got choices to make. You get to decide where the future lies. Think about it -- over 60 percent of Africans are under 35 years old. So demographics means young people are going to be determining the fate of this continent and this country. You've got time and numbers on your side, and you'll be making decisions long after politicians like me have left the scene.

And I can promise you this: The world will be watching what decisions you make. The world will be watching what you do. Because one of the wonderful things that's happening is, where people used to only see suffering and conflict in Africa, suddenly, now they're seeing opportunity for resources, for investment, for partnership, for influence. Governments and businesses from around the world are sizing up the continent, and they're making decisions themselves about where to invest their own time and their own energy. And as I said yesterday at a town hall meeting up in Johannesburg, that's a good thing. We want all countries -- China, India, Brazil, Turkey, Europe, America -- we want everybody paying attention to what's going on here, because it speaks to your progress.

And I've traveled to Africa on this trip because my bet is on the young people who are the heartbeat of Africa's story. I'm betting on all of you. As President of the United States, I believe that my own nation will benefit enormously if you reach your full potential.

If prosperity is broadly shared here in Africa, that middle class will be an enormous market for our goods. If strong democracies take root, that will enable our people and businesses to draw closer to yours. If peace prevails over war, we will all be more secure. And if the dignity of the individual is upheld across Africa, then I believe Americans will be more free as well, because I believe that none of us are fully free when others in the human family remain shackled by poverty or disease or oppression.

Now, America has been involved in Africa for decades. But we are moving beyond the simple provision of assistance, foreign aid, to a new model of partnership between America and Africa -- a partnership of equals that focuses on your capacity to solve problems, and your capacity to grow. Our efforts focus on three areas that shape our lives: opportunity, democracy, and peace.

So first off, we want a partnership that empowers Africans to access greater opportunity in their own lives, in their communities, and for their countries.

As the largest economy on the continent, South Africa is part of a trend that extends from south to north, east to west -- more and more African economies are poised to take off. And increased trade and investment from the United States has the potential to accelerate these trends -- creating new jobs and opportunities on both sides of the Atlantic.

So I'm calling for America to up our game when it comes to Africa. We're bringing together business leaders from America and Africa to deepen our engagement. We're going to launch new trade missions, and promote investment from companies back home. We'll launch an effort in Addis to renew the African Growth and Opportunity Act to break down barriers to trade, and tomorrow I'll discuss a new Trade Africa initiative to expand our ties across the continent, because we want to unleash the power of entrepreneurship and markets to create opportunity here i Africa.

It was interesting -- yesterday at the town hall meeting I had with a number of young people, the first three questions had to do with trade, because there was a recognition -- these young people said, I want to start a -- I want to start something. I want to build something, and then I want to sell something. Now, to succeed, these efforts have to connect to something bigger.

And for America, this isn't just about numbers on a balance sheet or the resources that can be taken out of the ground. We believe that societies and economies only advance as far as individuals are free to carry them forward. And just as freedom cannot exist when people are imprisoned for their political views, true opportunity cannot exist when people are imprisoned by sickness, or hunger, or darkness.

And so, the question we've been asking ourselves is what will it take to empower individual Africans?

For one thing, we believe that countries have to have the power to feed themselves, so instead of shipping food to Africa, we're now helping millions of small farmers in Africa make use of new technologies and farm more land. And through a new alliance of governments and the private sector, we're investing billions of dollars in agriculture that grows more crops, brings more food to market, give farmers better prices and helps lift 50 million people out of poverty in a decade. An end to famine, a thriving African agricultural industry -- that's what opportunity looks like. That's what we want to build with you.

We believe that countries have to have the power to prevent illness and care for the sick. And our efforts to combat malaria and tropical illness can lead to an achievable goal: ending child and maternal deaths from preventable disease. Already, our commitment to fight HIV/AIDS has saved millions, and allows us to imagine what was once unthinkable: an AIDS-free generation. And while America will continue to provide billions of dollars in support, we can't make progress without African partners. So I'm proud that by the end of my presidency, South Africa has determined it will be the first African country to fully manage its HIV care and treatment program. (Applause.) That's an enormous achievement. Healthy mothers and healthy children; strong public health systems -- that's what opportunity looks like.

And we believe that nations must have the power to connect their people to the promise of the 21st century. Access to electricity is fundamental to opportunity in this age. It's the light that children study by; the energy that allows an idea to be transformed into a real business. It's the lifeline for families to meet their most basic needs. And it's the connection that's needed to plug Africa into the grid of the global economy. You've got to have power. And yet two-thirds of the population in sub-Saharan Africa lacks access to power -- and the percentage is much higher for those who don't live in cities.

So today, I am proud to announce a new initiative. We've been dealing with agriculture, we've been dealing with health. Now we're going to talk about power -- Power Africa -- a new initiative that will double access to power in sub-Saharan Africa. Double it. (Applause.) We're going to start by investing $7 billion in U.S. government resources. We're going to partner with the private sector, who themselves have committed more than $9 billion in investment. And in partnership with African nations, we're going to develop new sources of energy. We'll reach more households not just in cities, but in villages and on farms. We'll expand access for those who live currently off the power grid. And we'll support clean energy to protect our planet and combat climate change. (Applause.) So, a light where currently there is darkness; the energy needed to lift people out of poverty -- that's what opportunity looks like.

So this is America's vision: a partnership with Africa that unleashes growth, and the potential of every citizen, not just a few at the very top. And this is achievable. There's nothing that I've outlined that cannot happen. But history tells us that true progress is only possible where governments exist to serve their people, and not the other way around. (Applause.)

If anyone wants to see the difference between freedom and tyranny, let them come here, to South Africa. Here, citizens braved bullets and beatings to claim that most basic right: the ability to be free, to determine your own fate, in your own land. And Madiba's example extended far beyond that victory. Now, I mentioned yesterday at the town hall -- like America's first President, George Washington, he understood that democracy can only endure when it's bigger than just one person. So his willingness to leave power was as profound as his ability to claim power. (Applause.)

The good news is that this example is getting attention across the continent. We see it in free and fair elections from Ghana to Zambia. We hear it in the voices of civil society. I was in Senegal and met with some civil society groups, including a group called Y'en Marre, which meant "fed up" -- (laughter) -- that helped to defend the will of the people after elections in Senegal. We recognize it in places like Tanzania, where text messages connect citizens to their representatives. And we strengthen it when organizations stand up for democratic principles, like ECOWAS did in Cote d'Ivoire.

But this work is not complete -- we all know that. Not in those countries where leaders enrich themselves with impunity; not in communities where you can't start a business, or go to school, or get a house without paying a bribe to somebody. These things have to change. And they have to chance not just because such corruption is immoral, but it's also a matter of self-interest and economics. Governments that respect the rights of their citizens and abide by the rule of law do better, grow faster, draw more investment than those who don't. That's just a fact. (Applause.)

Just look at your neighbor, Zimbabwe, where the promise of liberation gave way to the corruption of power and then the collapse of the economy. Now, after the leaders of this region -- led by South Africa -- brokered an end to what has been a long-running crisis, Zimbabweans have a new constitution, the economy is beginning to recover. So there is an opportunity to move forward -- but only if there is an election that is free, and fair, and peaceful, so that Zimbabweans can determine their future without fear of intimidation and retribution. And after elections, there must be respect for the universal rights upon which democracy depends. (Applause.)

These are things that America stands for -- not perfectly -- but that's what we stand for, and that's what my administration stands for. We don't tell people who their leaders should be, but we do stand up with those who support the principles that lead to a better life. And that's why we're interested in investing not in strongmen, but in strong institutions: independent judiciaries that can enforce the rule of law -- (applause); honest police forces that can protect the peoples' interests instead of their own; an open government that can bring transparency and accountability. And, yes, that's why we stand up for civil society -- for journalists and NGOs, and community organizers and activists -- who give people a voice. And that's why we support societies that empower women -- because no country will reach its potential unless it draws on the talents of our wives and our mothers, and our sisters and our daughters. (Applause.)

Just to editorialize here for a second, because my father's home country of Kenya -- like much of Africa -- you see women doing work and not getting respect. I tell you, you can measure how well a country does by how it treats its women. (Applause.) And all across this continent, and all around the world, we've got more work to do on that front. We've got some sisters saying, "Amen." (Laughter and applause.)

Now, I know that there are some in Africa who hear me say these things -- who see America's support for these values -- and say that's intrusive. Why are you meddling? I know there are those who argue that ideas like democracy and transparency are somehow Western exports. I disagree. Those in power who make those arguments are usually trying to distract people from their own abuses. (Applause.) Sometimes, they are the same people who behind closed doors are willing to sell out their own country's resource to foreign interests, just so long as they get a cut. I'm just telling the truth. (Laughter and applause.)

Now ultimately, I believe that Africans should make up their own minds about what serves African interests. We trust your judgment, the judgment of ordinary people. We believe that when you control your destiny, if you've got a handle on your governments, then governments will promote freedom and opportunity, because that will serve you. And it shouldn't just be America that stands up for democracy -- it should be Africans as well. So here in South Africa, your democratic story has inspired the world. And through the power of your example, and through your position in organizations like SADC and the African Union, you can be a voice for the human progress that you've written into your own Constitution. You shouldn't assume that that's unique to South Africa. People have aspirations like that everywhere.

And this brings me to the final area where our partnership can empower people -- the pursuit and protection of peace in Africa. So long as parts of Africa continue to be ravaged by war and mayhem, opportunity and democracy cannot take root. Across the continent, there are places where too often fear prevails. From Mali to Mogadishu, senseless terrorism all too often perverts the meaning of Islam -- one of the world's great religions -- and takes the lives of countless innocent Africans. From Congo to Sudan, conflicts fester -- robbing men, women and children of the lives that they deserve. In too many countries, the actions of thugs and warlords and drug cartels and human traffickers hold back the promise of Africa, enslaving others for their own purposes.

America cannot put a stop to these tragedies alone, and you don't expect us to. That's a job for Africans. But we can help, and we will help. I know there's a lot of talk of America's military presence in Africa. But if you look at what we're actually doing, time and again, we're putting muscle behind African efforts. That's what we're doing in the Sahel, where the nations of West Africa have stepped forward to keep the peace as Mali now begins to rebuild. That's what we're doing in Central Africa, where a coalition of countries is closing the space where the Lord's Resistance Army can operate. That's what we're doing in Somalia, where an African Union force, AMISOM, is helping a new government to stand on its own two feet.

These efforts have to lead to lasting peace, not just words on a paper or promises that fade away. Peace between and within Sudan and South Sudan, so that these governments get on with the work of investing in their deeply impoverished peoples. Peace in the Congo with nations keeping their commitments, so rights are at last claimed by the people of this war-torn country, and women and children no longer live in fear. (Applause.) Peace in Mali, where people will make their voices heard in new elections this summer. In each of these cases, Africa must lead and America will help. And America will make no apology for supporting African efforts to end conflict and stand up for human dignity. (Applause.)

And this year marks the 50th anniversary of the OAU, now the African Union -- an occasion that is more historic, because the AU is taking on these challenges. And I want America to take our engagement not just on security issues, but on environmental issues -- and economic issues and social issues, education issues -- I want to take that engagement to a whole new level. So I'm proud to announce that next year, I'm going to invite heads of state from across sub-Saharan Africa to a summit in the United States to help launch a new chapter in U.S.-African relations. (Applause.) And as I mentioned yesterday, I'm also going to hold a summit with the next class of our Young African Leaders Initiative, because we want to engage leaders and tomorrow's leaders in figuring out how we can best work together. (Applause.)

So let me close by saying this. Governments matter. Political leadership matters. And I do hope that some of you here today decide to follow the path of public service. It can sometimes be thankless, but I believe it can also be a noble life. But we also have to recognize that the choices we make are not limited to the policies and programs of government. Peace and prosperity in Africa, and around the world, also depends on the attitudes of people.

Too often, the source of tragedy, the source of conflict involves the choices ordinary people make that divide us from one another -- black from white, Christian from Muslim, tribe from tribe. Africa contains a multitude of identities, but the nations and people of Africa will not fulfill their promise so long as some use these identities to justify subjugation -- an excuse to steal or kill or disenfranchise others.

And ultimately, that's the most important lesson that the world learned right here in South Africa. Mandela once wrote, "No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite." (Applause.)

I believe that to be true. I believe that's always been true -- from the dawn of the first man to the youth today, and all that came in between here in Africa -- kingdoms come and gone; the crucible of slavery and the emergence from colonialism; senseless war, but also iconic movements for social justice; squandered wealth, but also soaring promise.

Madiba's words give us a compass in a sea of change, firm ground amidst swirling currents. We always have the opportunity to choose our better history. We can always understand that most important decision -- the decision we make when we find our common humanity in one another. That's always available to us, that choice.

And I've seen that spirit in the welcoming smiles of children on Gorée Island, and the children of Mombasa on Kenya's Indian Ocean coast. That spirit exists in the mother in the Sahel who wants a life of dignity for her daughters; and in the South African student who braves danger and distance just to get to school. It can be heard in the songs that rise from villages and city streets, and it can be heard in the confident voices of young people like you.

It is that spirit, that innate longing for justice and equality, for freedom and solidarity -- that's the spirit that can light the way forward. It's in you. And as you guide Africa down that long and difficult road, I want you to know that you will always find the extended hand of a friend in the United States of America. (Applause.)

Thank you very much. God bless you. (Applause.)

END 7:02 P.M. SAST

Issued by the White House, June 30 2013


MOST WANTED.........

Most Wanted Terrorists

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Thursday, June 27, 2013

Open letter to South Africa from foreign media

No fear No Favour No Outside Pressure........

RICHARD POPLAK          SOUTH AFRICA         22:32

The Daily Maverick is happy to publish this letter, addressed to the citizens of an increasingly maudlin South Africa. The contents provide a fine primer on what to expect in the next few days, and how we should behave while those days unfold. Oh, and don’t forget to floss—you’re on TV! By RICHARD POPLAK.

Dear South Africa,
Please get the fuck out of the way.
Wait, that probably came out wrong. Let us explain.
As you may have noted, we’re back! It’s been four long months since the Oscar Pistorious bail hearing thing, and just as we were forgetting just how crappy the Internet connections are in Johannestoria, the Mandela story breaks.
We feel that it is vital locals understand just how big a deal this is for us. In the real world—far away from your sleepy backwater—news works on a 24-hour cycle. That single shot of a hospital with people occasionally going into and out of the front door, while a reporter describes exactlywhat is happening—at length and in detail? That’s our bread and butter. It’s what we do.
And you need to get out of the way while we do it.
It’s nothing personal. In fact, we couldn’t do this successfully without you. In many cases, our footage is made more compelling by your presence. Specifically, we are fond of small black children praying and/or singing in unison. Equally telegenic are the Aryan ubermensch blonde kids also praying/singing, who help underscore the theme that Mandela united people of all races under a Rainbow umbrella.
Also very important, thematically speaking, are Mandela’s successors. We very much like the idea that your ex-president was “one of a kind”, and that despite his best efforts, the current batch of idiots prove that he was an exceptional presence, sui generis, and we don’t have to worry about someone else like him coming along in Africa ever again. We enjoy your leaders’ bumbling ways, their daft non-sequiturs, the glint of their Beijing-bought Breitlings. That “Vote ANC” truck parked outside the hospital? If that doesn’t speak to moral degeneration of the first order, what does? In other words, this story would lack a tragic arc without Jacob Zuma. May he keep on keeping on.
Then there’s the Mandela’s family. Really, where would we derive our soap operatic undertones if it weren’t for the infighting and the blinged-up brashness of that clan? We love subtly implying that a saint sired a generation of professional shoppers and no-goodnicks. In our biz, we call that “irony”. Makes for great copy.
In fact, we love everything about the country that doesn’t live up to Mandela’s legacy. We will take every opportunity to mention how everything you do flies in the face of everything Mandela would’ve wanted from his people—how you’re basically a nation of under-achieving screw-ups. All of this is fantastic, we thank you profusely for your individual and collective contributions to this essential storyline, and urge you to keep squandering your potential.
But like we said, we’re busy.
We need to be fed, constantly and without respite, big juicy mouthfuls of new information regarding every aspect of the story. Each piece of data, no matter how seemingly trivial or inane, is to us the rich, fatty gravy that we will slather over this one essential fact: the father of your nation is gravely ill, and we’re banking—literally, banking—on his not making it. The geraniums in the hospital planter, beating the chill of winter? Metaphor. Again—no detail too small.
Indeed, you need to brace yourselves. We’re about to engage in the single greatest orgy of industrial-grade mourning porn the world has ever known. Your little country will forever be honoured as the site that made the Princess Diana thing look like a restrained wake for a loathed spinster who perished alone on a desert island. Oh man, this is going to be big.
But that’s then. For the meantime, we need you to behave yourselves. We’re going to be pushy, and we make no apologies for it. This is the news—and news, after all, is the concrete foundation of democracy, a principle Mandela was willing to die for long before he was dying.
Note the solemn tone of our television reports. Ken the funereal passages published in our great papers. At times, the scramble for information may seem like a pursuit entirely free of dignity. But remember that watching a sausage get made can be a grisly process.
We would like to respect the fact that you’re going through a period of great sadness and protracted grieving. But we all need to be grown-ups about this.
So, we ask again, and this time with feeling:
Please. Get the fuck out of the way. DM
Photo: Policeman walk past media trucks outside a Pretoria hospital where former South African President Nelson Mandela is being treated June 12, 2013. REUTERS/Siphiwe Sibek



All the foreign press need is to get on this political bandwagon to nowhere and have their day in the Media.......

Let them all enjoy the ride - FOR MADIBA'S SAKE at least!





Johannes Frederik Janse van Rensburg (known as Hans) was born 24 Sept 1898 and died 25 Sept 1966 at Cape Town. His parents were Johannes Frederik Janse van Rensburg and his wife Louise DE VILLIERS. This Ossewabrandwag leader was the great grandchild of the Loyalist Johannes Frederik Janse van Rensburg.
He completed his schooling at Winburg in 1918 and then went and studied at the University of Stellenbosch, he obtained a MA degree in German. With the ecouragment of advocate Tielman Roos, he went and studied and obtained LL.B in Law at Pretoria.
Rapid Rise to Power
Van Rensburg was born just prior to the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War and this tragic event played a significant role in the formation of his life. The subsequent policy of Anglicization of the Boers had its negative impact on him. After his studies at the University of Stellenbosch where he was very much influenced by his German mentor Dr E. Friedlaender, he went and qualified as a solicitor. In 1924 he became the private secretary to Roos the minister of Justice. In 1925 he became the adviser to the Attorney-General. In 1930 he obtained his doctoral degree at the University of Stellenbosch. In 1933 he became the Secretary of Justice. In this capacity he visited many overseas countries and met Adolf HITLER, Hermann GORRING and other German leaders. Van Rensburg admired the German language and the discipline he observed, as well as the dynamic leadership of Adolf Hitler. He had an attraction to the ideals of national-socialism.
Hans van Rensburg got married in 1925 to Catharina Johanna JOUBERT and they had a son, Jacobus Marthinus and a daughter.
German Nazi's gives impetus for Afrikaner Nationalism
On 1 December 1936, Hans at the young age of 38 years he was appointed the Administrator of the Free State. He was also climbing at the same time the ladder of the military establishment, at the commencement of the Second World War he was a Colonel of the Free State Sixth Brigade. He felt uneasy when Jan SMUTS became Prime Minister, Smuts had very strong British leanings. Van Rensburg was offered the leadership of the Ossewa-Brandwag. This was a movement which rose out of the commemoration of the Great Trek and the focus became more Afrikaner nationalistic. Note their emblem above. They also emphasised the autrocities of the Anglo-Boer War. The war between the British and Germans gave hope to the Afrikaner to have the yoke of the British taken off their shoulders, and ultimately having their own independent republic restored. Van Rensburg resigned towards the latter part of 1940 as Administrator and became the commandant-general of the OB on 15 January 1941. This was a volk movement but soon with the early German success it became more militant in its ambitions. They formed their own private army and was working for a 'sjambokracy'. The OB eventually had a fallout with the political wing of the Afrikaners, they were starting to interfere in what was considered the political domain, subsequently the OB declined in numbers. With the victory of the National Party in 1948 the OB was no longer a major force, van Rensburg remained its leader until 1952. See photo below and note the variation in salute.
The Biggest Mass Movement of Afrikaner Nationalism
To have witnessed gathering of the OB with 20,000 people gathering at Rustenburg, and 30,000 at Springs was no small movement. The OB reached 300,000 membership. There were three factors according to Marx which brought about this mass movment of Afrikaner Nationalism. The Afrikaners had just experienced their second great trek to the cities and they were divorced from the land, this was a calling firstly tovolkseenheid' that is national unity. Secondly they were united in their rejection of participating in the Second World War against Germany. Thirdly they wanted to re-esablish a Republic, which the centenial commemoration of the Great Trek in 1938 sparked. The emphasis was more on Afrikaner Nationalism than Nazi ideology. They promoted getting together at 'braaivleis' barbecues, the promoted 'jukskei' 'n Boer game, and then worked at cultural events, and folk songs etc.
The open Nazi propogators were led by Oswald PIROW, and he had his own movement called "Nuwe Orde" which was a fascist movement.
See Photo of the Cape Leadership of the Ossewabrandwag, note the young later Prime Minister and President - John VORSTER and PW BOTHA. In the Transvaal the Ossewabrandwag operated two organisations: One was a cultural organisation and the other was the Stormjaers the later one was focused on performing deeds of sabotage. In the Cape the Stormjaers was not accepted.
(bottom row – second & third from left – PW Botha & JB Vorster)
Press Reports of van Rensburg's Speeches
See van Rensburg making a public speech.(77k) Visser p 16,17 reproduces the following press releases:
"The aim of the Ossewabrandwag is to found a one-party, authoritarian and disciplined state wherein the people will not be allowed to say, rwite or do as they please to the detriment of the People and the Government" Eastern Province Herald, 29 May 1942.
""The Stormjaers must be regarded as animals but as soldiers of the future republic" Die Burger, 3 August 1942
"The Ossewabrandwag is of the opinion that a German victory is an obvious condition for and Afrikaner republic to come into existence. Liberation can happen only as a result of a German victory" Die Vaderland, 8 August 1942
"The national authoritarian state will arise in South Africa with the aid of the Ossewabrandwag and the returning soldiers ... If they stand together, democracy will be in a sorry state." Die Vaderland, 22 March 1943
After the victory of the National Pary in 1948, the OB became marginalised. Van Rensburg remained its leader until 1952. Subsequently hy served as adviser to some government bodies with regarding group areas, in Cape Town and also Port Elizabeth. In 1962 he bowed out of public life and went to live on his farm, "Mooi Eiland", Parys, his OB supporters gave this farm to him as a present. He remained a member of the board of SANLAM, SANTAM en Federale Mynbou. Van Rensburg without a doubt was a very popular leader he died on 25 September 1966 at Cape Town, and the state gave him a burial with full military honour on 1st October 1966 at Pretoria.



Wednesday, June 26, 2013

Unit trust manager received R15m from Herman Pretorius


Author: Julius Cobbett|
20 June 2013 23:57
Unit trust manager received R15m from Herman Pretorius

Financial advisers connected to RVAF Ponzi testify in insolvency inquiry.

JOHANNESBURG – An insolvency inquiry has revealed that one-time unit trust manager Michal Calitz received more than R15m from Herman Pretorius.

Calitz was one of Pretorius’s closest friends. A rare public photo of Pretorius shows him posing with his two sons and Calitz on the golf course. Calitz and Pretorius went to the same Bible study group, which met every second Friday.

Calitz referred many investors to Herman Pretorius’s Relative Value Arbitrage Fund (RVAF), which has since been exposed as a Ponzi scheme. It has been estimated that the scheme solicited more than R2bn from some 3 000 investors.

One investor, Mike le Sueur, told Die Burger that he had invested R60m with Pretorius on Calitz’s advice.

The insolvency inquiry suggests that Calitz was very well remunerated for these referrals.

In a recent update to investors, the RVAF trustees noted that Calitz was one of the more prominent brokers that received a so-called profit share on investments in excess of R15m.

Calitz and other financial advisers connected to RVAF were compelled to give sworn testimony in an insolvency enquiry. This helped RVAF’s trustees establish how Pretorius had spent investors’ money.

RVAF trustee Rynette Pieters informed investors that Pretorius did not keep proper financial records, which made it almost impossible to determine the terms of a transaction from the mere flow of funds.

Calitz’s testimony helped the trustees to establish the terms of an oral agreement between him and Pretorius regarding the payment of commission. The trustees were able to verify the amounts received by Calitz. They announced that “a substantial amount” of investors’ funds had been paid to Calitz.

At the time of writing, Calitz had not responded to e-mailed and telephonic requests for comment.

The investor update states that Calitz testified that the payment of investors’ funds had been an ex gratia (voluntary) payment.

“Sufficient information has now been obtained from Mr Calitz to make a final decision on the appropriate action to recover funds,” writes Pieters.

Calitz is himself a financial services professional. He used to be a director and fund manager at 4i Asset Management. 4i has since changed its name to Autus Fund Managers, which manages in excess of R1.5bn in assets.

Calitz disassociated himself from 4i/Autus after the RVAF was exposed as a Ponzi scheme. He resigned as a director, and is no longer listed as a fund manager of its various unit trusts.

However, Calitz is still associated with a entity registered with the Financial Services Board (FSB), a close corporation called Impact Financial Consultants. Calitz is a member of this close corporation and he is also listed on the FSB’s website as a representative of Impact Financial Consultants.

When the RVAF collapsed, the FSB announced that it had initiated an investigation into the brokers who sold the scheme to investors. On Thursday morning, Moneyweb asked Gerry Anderson whether any action had been taken against these brokers. At the time of writing (Thursday afternoon), Anderson had not yet replied.

Calitz has also been associated with the failed Leaderguard scheme. His name appears in a Fais Ombud determination dating back to 2009.

Calitz was not the only financial adviser to be subpoenaed in the insolvency inquiry. Pieters reported that other brokers interrogated were Wilhelm van Wyk, Wilhelm Erwee and Alfie Pretorius.

“From their interrogation, the amounts that they received (at least since 2005) and the terms of the oral agreements, as they understood it, were verified under oath. As is the case with Mr Calitz, the trustees are in a position to make a decision on appropriate further action against these brokers,” writes Pieters.

After publication of this article, the FSB's Gerry Anderson provided the following update: "Progress has been made in the investigation of the activities of all the brokers identified in the Herman Pretorius saga and we are engaging with each broker, which is the next phase. Unfortunately, it is not possible at this time to estimate when such engagements will be finalised and decisions taken on whether regulatory action should ensue or not."


Chris Walker diverted more than R20m to himself


Author: Julius Cobbett|
26 June 2013 16:25
Chris Walker diverted more than R20m to himself

Judge: “Walker has demonstrated an inclination to treat [Defencex] money as his own”.

JOHANNESBURG – Chris Walker, who promotes himself as a saviour of the poor, has made a small fortune out of the very people he claims to protect. Walker is the mastermind behind Net Income Solutions, or Defencex, a scheme which solicited more than R800m from 195 000 members.

In a judgment handed down on Tuesday, it was revealed that Walker diverted amounts in excess of R20m from Net Income Solutions’ account to his own personal account. This was one of the findings of inspectors Louis Strydom and Malcolm Campbell of PWC, who were appointed to investigate the affairs of Net Income Solutions.

Judge James Yekiso said of Walker’s behaviour: “Based on this evidence, Mr Walker has demonstrated an inclination to treat NIS’s money as his own.”

Yekiso’s full judgment can be downloaded here.

Approached for comment on this revelation, Walker’s attorney CharnĂ© Venter replied: “As previously advised, our client’s instruction remains that he does not wish to comment on the matter.”

The inspectors also discovered that until February 2013, all of Net Income Solutions’ bank accounts belonged to Walker in his personal capacity.

In his judgment, Yekiso found it appropriate that Walker’s personal bank account remain frozen.

Says Yekiso: “Thus, from April 2012 to the end of January 2013, when a significant portion of the operations of the NIS scheme was conducted, the scheme was run through Mr Walker’s personal bank accounts. Based on this evidence, the relief sought against Mr Walker, in his personal capacity, appears to be appropriate. NIS was nothing other than an alter ego of Christopher Mark Walker.”

It seems Walker lived a life of luxury, if the address given on court documents is anything to go by. Walker resides in the exclusive Atlantic Beach Golf Estate in Melkbosstrand, Cape Town – well fenced off from the average Defencex member.

25%-a-month investment scheme flourishes


Author: Julius Cobbett|
26 June 2013 23:35

Scheme accepts money from greedy and desperate, while regulators look on.

JOHANNESBURG – A 25% a month investment scheme is flourishing with no apparent intervention from authorities. Zantech Trading is a Durban-based business with satellite offices in Sandton, Newcastle and Port Shepstone. Its website invites investors to “become a shareholder at Zantech Trading, and earn 25% in dividends monthly for a period of 12 months.” That’s a return of 300% a year.

Zantech trading first appeared on Moneyweb on March 14 this year in an article that highlighted dubious investment schemes. At the time, Moneyweb reported that none of the schemes mentioned were registered with the Financial Services Board (FSB). I warned that anyone who invested with the schemes should be prepared to lose their money.

Moneyweb first alerted the South African Reserve Bank (Sarb) to Zantech Trading on March 7 this year via its pyramid scheme tip-off e-mail address: The tip-off was not acknowledged, which is the case for most of the tip offs I send to that address.

On March 13, Moneyweb contacted Manasse Malimabe, head of the FSB’s Fais compliance department. Malimabe replied: “Our investigation into Zantech Trading has found that the company is not a registered Financial Service provider, and the product they offer falls outside of the regulatory net of the FSB. As such we have referred the matter to the SARB for further investigation as there are indications that the company may be operating a pyramid scheme.”

Thus the relevant regulators have been well aware of Zantech’s activities for at least three months, and yet no obvious action has been taken to prevent the scheme from accepting money from new clients.

The FSB does confirm, however, that the Reserve Bank has appointed inspectors to look into the Zantech matter.

I receive regular queries from readers relating to Zantech. Here are some samples of e-mails received:

“I just want to confirm if this above mentioned company is also a scheme, because my younger brother is saving money to invest in this company next month.”
“Thanks for the above information. I recently became a shareholder with Zantech (no returns as yet)...and after reading the above , am now considering withdrawal but am also in need of money. I'm really confused. I need your advice please.”
“Can I have your advice then, so do you think to join Zantech trading is not a good option? I know more than five people now who are investing in this company, and they are getting a lot of money. I was thinking of joining, but after reading on Moneyweb, I am not sure at all.”
“Hi Mr Cobbett, I just heard about Zantech trading, but I remember you once wrote about it. But now I’m scared it’s not legal. How do I check this? The person introducing me to it said it was investigated at the same time with Defencex but it was found to be legal. But I can’t just take anyone's word. I think it’s better to ask you because I believe you know more about financial stuff.”

Naturally all readers were advised to steer well clear of Zantech.

On Wednesday morning a draft copy of this article was sent to Reserve Bank head: strategy and communications department Hlengani Mathebula with the invitation to correct possible factual errors or offer comment before 5pm the same day. The Reserve Bank acknowledged the invitation but had not responded by 5pm.

The Reserve Bank invites people to report suspected illegal deposit-taking (pyramid or Ponzi) schemes to Alternatively call 0800 677 772 or SMS the Primedia Crime line on 32211.


Obama embarks on trip to Africa, Mandela's health a question

Obama embarks on trip to Africa, Mandela's health a question
ReutersBy Mark Felsenthal | Reuters –

U.S. President Barack Obama, first lady Michelle Obama and their daughters Sasha (L) and Malia (2nd R) walk to Air Force One at Andrews Air Force Base near Washington, June 26, 2013. Second from left is Obama's niece Leslie Robinson. The first family are traveling to Africa on Wednesday for a one-week trip. REUTERS/Jason ReedView Photo

U.S. President Barack Obama, first lady Michelle Obama and their daughters Sasha (L) and Malia (2nd R) …

By Mark Felsenthal

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - President Barack Obama set out on an eight-day trip to Africa on Wednesday that is aimed at reviving U.S. engagement with the continent but that will be overshadowed by the uncertain health of South Africa hero Nelson Mandela.

Obama's trip, his second to the continent as president, will take him to Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania. While the president hopes to spotlight trade and economic development themes, his visit would be dwarfed if Mandela's condition takes a turn for the worse.

The 94-year old former South African president remained hospitalized in critical condition after being admitted more than two weeks ago with a lung infection, the government said on Tuesday.

Air Force One carried Obama, his wife Michelle, their daughters Sasha and Malia, as well as the first lady's mother, Marian Robinson, and an Obama niece, Leslie Robinson.

Africans feel a special bond with Obama, the first African American U.S. president, and have been impatient for him to make an extended visit to the continent. Africans are also disappointed that the Obama administration has not engaged with the continent as much as the administrations of George W. Bush and Bill Clinton.

Administration officials say the trip is an opportunity to jump-start the relationship. Obama's first stop will be Senegal, where he will visit Goree Island, the site of a monument to Africans who were sent to slavery in the Americas.

His next stop will be in South Africa, where aides say he will be available to visit Mandela but will defer to the wishes of the Mandela family to determine whether the former South African leader is up to such an encounter.

In South Africa, Obama is due to make a speech outlining his Africa policy at the University of Cape Town, where Robert F. Kennedy gave his famous 1966 address comparing the struggle against apartheid in South Africa with the struggle for civil rights in the United States.

The president will also visit Robben Island, where Mandela and other political prisoners were held, and visit a health clinic.

Obama's last stop will be in the East African nation of Tanzania, where he will take part in events with business leaders and visit a power plant.

(Reporting by Mark Felsenthal; Editing by Vicki Allen)

SA government: All systems go for #ObamainSA

No fear No Favours No Gupta's please.........

KHADIJA PATEL     south africa              26 june 2013     01:24

The necessary permissions for Air Force One to land at the Waterkloof Airbase are said to have been acquired with an attention to detail that has not been seen before. South African officials have clearly learned the lesson dealt by Guptagate earlier this year. But are they ready for Obama-mania? By KHADIJA PATEL.

In case there was any doubt, the sight of three Sea Knight and two Black Hawk helicopters in the skies above northern Johannesburg on Tuesday morning confirmed that US President Barack Obama was indeed soon to arrive in South Africa. The helicopters, said to belong to the US Secret Service, were part of a US dry run conducted by officials in local airspace ahead of Obama’s visit on Friday.
South African police have been mum on the details of Obama’s security, but extra measures for the upcoming visit will include fighter jets providing 24-hour air coverage, three truckloads of bulletproof glass sheets, and an offshore trauma centre.
The Economist last week compared Obama’s elaborate entourage and baggage to that of European explorers in imperial times: “Africans have been used to visitors with big entourages and exotic baggage; at least since European explorers first traipsed through their savannahs at the head of long trains of porters laden with trunks full of florid crockery [and] even libraries.”
That comparison is not without merit. The sight of American aircraft in the Johannesburg sky on Tuesday had some South Africans cluck their tongues in irritation for what they perceived as a breach of South Africa’s sovereignty. Obama’s visit, however, is aimed at positioning the US as a partner to South Africa and the rest of the continent at a time of great economic and demographic flux.
“Frankly, we see Africa as one of the most important emerging regions in the world, and a place for the US to significantly increase our engagement in the years to come,” Ben Rhodes, Obama’s Deputy National Security Advisor, said last Friday. “There are growing economic opportunities there for increased trade and investment and increased engagement by US businesses.”
In recent years, the US has developed a particular weak spot in its relations with Africa that Obama’s visit seeks to remedy: investment.
Still, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Co-Operation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, described South Africa’s ties with the US as “solid, strong and positive”.
She said, “The United States is a major economic partner for South Africa and continues to feature high on the list of trade and investment partners.”
According to the minister, total trade between South Africa and the USA in 2011 was in excess of R130 billion, with SA enjoying a trade surplus of approximately R18 billion (a 14.4% increase over 2010).
“[The US] is a major export market for South African products and an important source of foreign direct investment,” she said. “There are currently approximately around 600 US companies trading in South Africa, which provide over 120,000 local jobs and contribute about 30% to Corporate Social Investment (CSI) for corporate social projects.”
As impressive as these numbers may sound, American businesses are beginning to feel left behind when it comes to doing business in both South Africa and the rest of the continent.
“We, frankly, have heard a high demand signal from the US private sector for us to play an active role in deepening our trade and investment partnerships in Africa,” Rhodes said.
China has outstripped the US and the European Union as Africa’s biggest trading partner, trading goods worth $200 billion a year. And while American trade with Africa has grown in the last ten years, the US lags at about half that amount.
It is in South Africa where the perceived cosiness of the ANC-led government with its Chinese counterparts is seen to be combative to the interests and influence of the likes of the US here.
Nkoana-Mashabane said a hallmark of South Africa’s foreign policy was its “fierce independence”.
“We make friends with all peace-loving governments across the world,” she said. “We build new relations, we strengthen south-south partnerships with the countries that have been with us at the time of the struggle for freedom, we strengthen the parameters and the engagements of the south-south and we see China and our engagements in that regard along those lines.
“But we continue because of the uniqueness of our country to strengthen north-south dialogue. And one of the key countries that we engage with, be it political or economic, in our north-south dialogue is the United States of America.”
Despite these claims from South Africa of loving all its friends equally, the US under Obama knows well that if it is to place its business in a position to win lucrative infrastructure development projects, Obama has to be seen to take a greater interest in Africa.
“The programme is almost finalised. Logistics finalised. Key points of discussions finalised,” Nkoana-Mashabane said.
She is aware, however, that not all South Africans will be extending a warm welcome to Obama.
“Will there be demonstrations?” she asked. “Yes. This is a democratic country. So the official line of the South African government is [that] we will receive President Obama like we receive all other heads of state, friendly heads of state, to South Africa. In a democratic setting, there will be those who may still feel they also want to be heard. As long as we do it peacefully and following the laws, we think that should just be.”
The South African government remains unfazed by any threats and feels well-prepared, she said.
“From the side of government, we are very elated, we are very satisfied with the level of preparations, and we feel very much honoured that President Obama has chosen South Africa as one of the countries he’ll be visiting,” she added. DM
Read more:
  • South Africa at the intersection of Obama and Mandela’s paths inDaily Maverick
Photo: A U.S Marine Corps Chinook helicopter is seen flying over Pretoria, June 25, 2013. U.S. President Barack Obama is due to visit South Africa this week as part of a three-country Africa tour. REUTERS/Mujahid Safodien

Daily Maverick



Let's hope Barack Obama sees through his counter-part here in SOUTH AFRICA!!