32 Battalion: The Terrible Ones

Every war has at least one - a unit so different, so daring, that it becomes the stuff of which legends are made and heroes are born. Among the South African forces fighting in Angola from 1975 to 1989, that unit was 32 Battalion.
Founded in utmost secrecy from the vanquished remnants of a foreign rebel movement, undefeated in 12 years of front-line battle, feared by enemies that included both conventional Cuban armies and Namibian guerrilla fighters, the Buffalo Soldiers became the South African army’s best combat unit since World War II, with no fewer than 13 members winning the highest decoration for bravery under fire.
But when peace broke out in southern Africa, the victors of Savate became the victims of sophistry. Their fate and future determined by politicians who understood little and cared less about this truly unique fraternity, 32 Battalion ceased to exist in 1993, its short history and long list of battle honours known only to those whose enemies called them Os Terriveis - the Terrible Ones.
Now, for the first time, the story of 32 Battalion can be told in full, with neither adornment nor apology, by one of its longest-serving members.
The book draws from top secret documents, revealing information that has never been made public before. Also included are rare photographs that evoke the colourful, and often controversial, history of 32 Battalion, as well as detailed maps depicting specific operations and deployments.

32 Battalion: The Terrible Ones
Random House Struik
30 August 2012


A new and comprehensive two-volume work by Piet Nortje chronicles the unit's explosive history


THE MILITARY HISTORY PUBLISHING EVENT OF THE DECADE

Two volumes. 1400 pages. 80 maps. 600 photographs. Based on 10 000 pages of previously classified documents. Draws from over 200 interviews with former 32 Battalion members as well as Portuguese, SWAPO, Angolan, Cuban and Russian soldiers. A must for collectors.

The Terrible Ones

The Complete History of 32 Battalion (two volumes)

Piet Nortje

The soldiers of 32 Battalion were so feared by their enemies that they were called ‘Os Terriveis' - ‘The Terrible Ones'. Founded in utmost secrecy from the vanquished remnants of an Angolan rebel movement, they were forged into an effective fighting machine that took on guerrilla forces and conventional armies alike. Undefeated in 12 years of frontline battle, the ‘Buffalo Soldiers' became the South African Army's best combat unit since World War II.

This comprehensive two-volume work chronicles the unit's explosive history. Starting in the early 1960s, it covers events in Angola that would eventually result in the formation of 32 Battalion, and it ends in the 2000s, when the soldiers of the unit unknowingly betrayed themselves. It describes in detail the 117 documented military operations that 32 Battalion took part in from 1976 to 1993, explaining how they were planned and executed, and illustrating them with maps. It also provides personal recollections from former 32 Battalion members and their allies and enemies, vividly recreating the experience of what happened on the ground.

The Terrible Ones provides a complete picture with new insights, drawing from thousands of pages of documents in the Department of Defence Documentation Centre that have only recently been declassified. Definitive and magisterial, this is one of the most impressive military histories ever written.

SPECIAL OFFER

Pre-order your copy now and get 20% discount and free delivery!

Normal price R850, you will get it for R700 including delivery.

Delivery to a street address in South Africa only. Delivery charges will be quoted for international orders. Not applicable for Europe and USA.

Offer ends 30th September 2012

Download the special order form here and email antheab@randomstruik.co.za to place your order or order on-line at www.randomstruik.co.za/terribleones

Available for sale as two volumes in a slipcase. The two volumes are not for sale separately.

Visit www.randomstruik.co.za for more information.

Shopper recounts Radiokop PnP robbery

JOHANNESBURG - Five men have been arrested and one killed after a robbery at a Pick n Pay in Radiokop on Thursday night. Police ran into the gang of at least 14 armed robbers, resulting in a shootout that left three people inside the store wounded, and one of the suspects dead. Another four suspects were arrested in Booysens. Shoppers said they were traumatised by the brutality of the men who stormed the store. A woman who was outside the store during the robbery said, “I gave them my cellphone and told them it was all I had. He told me to lie down. He switched off cellphone and then gave it back to me.” Police are still looking for the rest of the group who managed to flee from the scene after the violent shootout. Meanwhile, a group of robbers broke into an iStore in Fourways earlier this week. One armed man was arrested while two managed to get away. (Edited by Lindiwe Mlandu) - Eye Witness News - Shooting at Radiokop store August 30 2012 at 09:03pm By SAPA Comment on this story . . Johannesburg - Police confirmed on Thursday night that there had been a shooting in Radiokop, west of Johannesburg. Lt-Col Katlego Mogale could not confirm whether it was at a Pick n Pay shopping centre. She said she would provide more details later. - Sapa IOL - Comments by Sonny - This gang is suspected of many robberies at Pick n Pay stores in the past. Why should it be so difficult for the SAPS with all their intelligence to not identify and arrest them? These gangs always select 'closing times & weekends' for their crime sprees!

'Malema is finished'

30-AUG-2012 | MOIPONE MALEFANE POLITICAL EDITOR | 138 COMMENTS "The ANC towers over the individual." Enoch Godongwana SHARP END: President Jacob Zuma addresses thousands of mine workers who are demanding a pay rise from their employers in Marikana, scene of a massace, near Rustenburg, in North West. Photo: Kopano Tlape RELATED ARTICLES Conman aims at top officials ANC leader warns against graft THE Marikana tragedy that left 44 people dead, including mineworkers and police, will not affect President Jacob Zuma's re-election at the ANC's elective conference in Mangaung. This is according to Enoch Godongwana, ANC national executive committee member and former leader of National Union of Metalworkers of SA. He said Marikana would not directly affect the ANC as the unrest was specific to the platinum sector and "not something broad based". He made the remarks to Merrill Lynch, a wealth management division of the Bank of America. In a briefing note to investors, Merrill Lynch quoted Godongwana as having said that the deadly dispute was unlikely to spread to other parts of the country as the circumstances that led to the strike in the Lonmin mine were unique. Godongwana said Marikana was a wake-up call for Cosatu which, through its affiliate the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), had possibly "dropped the ball". He said: "There was also a leadership vacuum. No union demands from either NUM or Amcu (Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union) were made to management." Godongwana, who is also head of the ANC economic transformation committee, said expelled ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema's political opportunism at the mine - where he addressed striking workers after police shot and killed 34 miners - would not help his political career. "Outside the ANC he is finished. The ANC towers over the individual. The ANC has had its fair share of mavericks in over its history and Malema is no different." Malema was asked to preside over a memorial service in Marikana last week where he attacked Zuma and his cabinet ministers, saying the government was treating them like pigs. When Zuma addressed workers the day before, they also told him Malema was the first politician to come and address them. Godongwana suggested that divisions within NUM had led to the strengthening of Amcu. Wage demands came from self-appointed leaders of the illegal striking workers. "NUM is weakened in the public eye and has to regain its strength and fix its internal divisions. "However, NUM is not a populist union and won't try to regain its strength via populist or militant policy," Godongwana said. He said unions needed to look at the lack of collective and centralised bargaining in the platinum sector. Centralised bargaining, he said, was a more effective tool than the current state of fragmented bargaining. - This article was first published in the printed newspaper and eEdition on 29 August 2012. Click on this link to view the eEdition - SOWETAN - Comments by Sonny - This is merely a lot of ANC window dressing. One should take a look at the holistic unrest in SA because of dysfunctional service delivery, on the part of Zuma's government, to assess the true economic position in the Country! Enoch Godongwana is just a messenger for Zuma and thus disseminating this Communist rhetoric and distortion of the true facts...... Zuma does not want the Global investors to disinvest in their dying economy. Zuma is greed driven and will do anything in his power to stay on the "Golden Throne!"

McKaiser: Nudity has lost its political potency

29 AUG 2012 15:05 - GENEVIEVE QUINTAL The reaction to a new painting of President Jacob Zuma with his genitals exposed has been banal but in an interesting way, Eusebius McKaiser has said. OUR COVERAGE ANCWL defends Zuma after 'sexist' complaint 'Abuse of the arts': ANC bristles at new Zuma painting Strategic ABZ victory spells trouble for Zuma MORE COVERAGE There's work to be done, Zuma tells women New painting gives Zuma's privates another airing New painting gives Zuma's privates another airing 'Anyone but Zuma' faction wins day in OR Tambo "It's quite a beautiful thing – nudity has lost its political potency," McKaiser said on Wednesday. "In other words, people were shocked the first time because it went against their social norm, so when you see it again it can't have the same effect." McKaiser used the example of seeing a dead body for the first time. It can be quite traumatic and a person might even need to get counselling, but when they see a dead body for a second time it is less shocking. "It's good for art that it lost political potency because artists don't have to be afraid," McKaiser said. According to the Star newspaper on Tuesday artist Ayanda Mabulu's painting of Zuma wearing traditional attire and his penis exposed, entitled Umshini Wam [weapon of mass destruction] was part of an exhibition – Our Fathers. The painting went on display at the AVA Gallery in Cape Town on Monday night. Bigger conversations The exhibition also has works of Brett Murray, whose controversial painting, "'The Spear'", resulted in protests at Johannesburg's Goodman Gallery in May. 'The Spear', which also depicted Zuma with his genitals exposed, was vandalised and removed from display by the Goodman Gallery. City Press published a photo of it on its website, but removed it following a public outcry. The Film and Publication Board gave it a 16N rating. Mabulu's painting has received a more low key response. McKaiser said another reason for this was because focus in terms of the news cycle was on the shooting at the Lonmin Platinum mine in Marikana. "There is a bigger conversation going on about inequalities, labour relations, and violence. [This was] so incredibly larger that anyone who spent their political energy on this would look irrelevant," he said. Workers at the world's third-largest platinum producer went on strike earlier this month, demanding a monthly salary of R12 500. They have vowed not to return to work until their demand is met. Attention seeker The strike turned violent and 34 mineworkers were killed on August 16, in a confrontation with the police. Ten people including two policemen and two security guards, were killed between August 10 and 12. Many took to social networking site Twitter calling Mabulu an "attention seeker". Yet the question was asked why when Murray painted Zuma with his genitals exposed he was called a racist but Mabulu was called an attention seeker. McKaiser said this could easily be explained. "South Africans think, and wrongly so, that you can't be racist to people who look the same as you. I think everyone can be a racist, whether you are black or white, and can be racist to the same group," he said. This was why the race motive was not used. – Sa - Mail & Guardian - Comments by Sonny - ....."One man's penis is another man's penny whistle"..... One person's racism is another man's 'Attention Seeking Should I conclude...."One's man's Pecker is another woman's Pleasure!" Or TRAUMA.. Lonmin is in the News to stay for the next few weeks..... Let's just cut to the chase and admit that Zuma's Penis is a stale attachment!

Sexwale’s African ventures court controversy

Stefaans Brümmer & Craig McKune Aug 24 2012 NEWS ANALYSIS: It is inconceivable that the minister does not know what his company does with his money “Minister Sexwale remains placid and … having resigned from all business operations he remains focused on his ministerial responsibilities for the poor.” -- Xolani Xundu, June 22 “It is a well-known fact that Minister Sexwale has publicly resigned from all companies and will therefore not dignify faceless sources by confirming or denying any of their stories.” -- Xolani Xundu, June 28 “It is reiterated that no response will be entertained in respect of operations and activities of companies that the minister is no longer in charge of.”-- Xolani Xundu, August 16 Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale’s spokesperson, Xolani Xundu, earns his salary by not saying much these days, it seems. And although Sexwale was worth ­R1.9-billion in listed equities when he joined the government in 2009, his parliamentary and ­Cabinet interest declarations are as taciturn as Xundu. Sexwale’s 2011 Cabinet declaration gives a glimpse of the apparent reason why he does not make declarations and the exotic riches behind his silence. Forget the shares in the mining, service and publishing companies that made Sexwale a household name in empowerment. (See also: “Suspicion circles Israeli diamond maven who ‘understands negroes’”). All that Sexwale declared was a 15% stake in a charter jet and a trust that “has investments in various immovable properties and a yacht”. Only one of the properties was accorded further elaboration -- although not enough to confirm it was all of an Indian Ocean island, Quilálea. The declaration simply said: “One of these is a property in Mozambique that has been used as a personal asset to date, but which could be developed for commercial purposes in the foreseeable future.” Because of the possible commercialisation, Sexwale declared: “I have instructed my advisers to transfer the … shareholding in this asset to one of the ‘blind’ trusts to be executed as soon as possible.” Put differently, Sexwale’s business interests are housed in “blind” trusts, the assets of which are not declared. Blind who? But who is kept in the dark? Sexwale, as he should to insulate him from conflicts of interest, or the public, which is deprived the right to know what fills his coffers (and may fuel his political campaigns)? A blind trust, Wikipedia says, is one in which the trustees “have full discretion over the assets and the trust beneficiaries [read: Sexwale] have no knowledge of the holdings of the trust and no right to intervene in their handling”. It is an arrangement popularised by developed-country politicians whose assets tend to be amorphous portfolios of listed shares, easily administered without their knowledge. Sexwale’s holdings are different. Most of his known investments are through Mvelaphanda Holdings, which he co-founded with Mark Willcox and Mikki Xayiya after his first stint in government ended in 1997. Although the trusts through which Sexwale co-owns Mvela Holdings may now be technically blind and beyond his control, it is inconceivable that he will be truly unaware of what the company, which Willcox still runs, does with his money. For starters, Mvela Holdings’s listed investments have been there for all, including Sexwale, to see. Stakes in Absa bank and media company Avusa are examples recently in the news. Much less visible to the public are the Mvela Holdings interests that went into African Global Capital (AGC), an offshore joint venture with United States hedge fund Och-Ziff. Offshore Until recently, Willcox managed AGC through Africa Management Limited. AGC would not be invisible to Sexwale, though, both because he was actively involved when it was set up in 2007 and his Mvela Holdings associates remained involved. AGC sprouted investment tentacles through a warren of island secrecy jurisdictions back into Africa and even to South Africa, where one of its investee companies, Coal of Africa, earned controversy for its mining development near the Mapungubwe heritage site in Limpopo. Sexwale appears not to be as insulated from conflicts of interest as he should be. If he knows where his money is, as he arguably does, he may be tempted to use his power as a public representative to serve his interests over the public. Has he succumbed to the temptation? Because the extent of his holdings is unknown, it is impossible to answer. But the Sexwale aura has been there for the exploiting. Signet Mining Services, a uranium explorer subsidiary of AGC, boasted on its website of “strong political alliances in Africa through Mvelaphanda”. And in Congo-Brazzaville an unexpected controversy showed Sexwale’s apparent willingness to “show face” to assist another AGC subsidiary, oil junior New Age, to land a stake in a major gas field. Congo-Brazzaville Sexwale, a trustee of the Nelson Mandela Foundation, gave permission to use a passage, apparently from an old Mandela speech, in a biography of Congolese president Denis Sassou-Nguesso. When the passage was used as a foreword purporting to be purpose-written by Mandela, the foundation roared about the “brazen abuse”, sparking a diplomatic incident. Sexwale, then more than six months in government, popped up in the Congo, placating Sassou-Nguesso on national television. What was not known then was that New Age, the company Sexwale was invested in through AGC, was in the throes of negotiating a stake in the Marine XII offshore gas field with Sassou-Nguesso’s government. Six months later, in June 2010, New Age had the stake. One person with knowledge of the negotiations claims that the Sexwale factor was crucial. “New Age appeared at the time as a South African company and there was a willingness from Congo-Brazzaville to improve its relations with South Africa, with the newly elected President [Jacob] Zuma and [his] new team in place.” Sexwale, this person claims, “promoted” the New Age deal directly with Sassou-Nguesso during his visit. DRC The investments through AGC placed Sexwale in bad company -- that of Israeli businessman Dan Gertler -- as revealed by the Mail & Guardian last week. Even if Gertler’s wildest antics were yet to come when they joined up, the unfolding events gave rise to the kind of reputational risk that usually sends politicians scurrying. But Sexwale (or at least his money) stayed put — arguably as the risk of exposure was minimal owing to the opacity of his and AGC’s interests. The formal relationship with Gertler started in 2008, while Sexwale was still actively in business. AGC invested $150-million with Gertler’s British Virgin Islands-registered Camrose Resources, which had some Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) mining assets and acquired more with part of the AGC money. The $150-million was more than a loan, as it was convertible to equity and the terms gave AGC quasi-ownership rights to Camrose. For the next two years, Gertler was hocked to AGC through Willcox-run Africa Management Limited. During those two years, Gertler embarked on a series of controversial “grab and flips” of mineral assets in the DRC (see also “Suspicion circles Israeli diamond maven who ‘understands negroes’”). In these, Gertler (who denies all allegations) stands accused of using his connection with DRC president Joseph Kabila and the latter’s consigliere, the now-deceased Augustin Katumba Mwanke, to bag public assets cheaply and without tender, selling or part-selling them to established miners at great profit. Greatest grab In August 2010, Gertler perfected the “grab and flip” that would lead to the greatest outcry, that of the Kolwezi copper and cobalt tailings project from which Canada’s First Quantum Minerals had been bumped by the authorities after spending $430-million developing the assets. Gertler brought Kolwezi into Camrose, his company hocked to Sexwale and his associates, before onselling half of Camrose to a mining major. Only then -- and it is understood largely at the behest of Och-Ziff, which as a United States company has to be particularly sensitive to reputational risk -- did Sexwale and associates exit Camrose, transferring their loan to another Gertler entity under arms-length terms. Were Sexwale or his associates complicit in Gertler’s “grab” of Kolwezi? There is no evidence to that effect, but their involvement in a similar and simultaneous stunt suggests they were not simple bystanders. Oil blocks In June 2010 and without any notice or tender, Kabila signed two Lake Albert oil blocks, already sold to Irish and South African concerns, to two entirely opaque companies, Caprikat and Foxwhelp, both newly registered in the British Virgin Islands. South African presidential nephew Khulubuse Zuma initially claimed to be the owner of both, but fingers pointed at Gertler. Zuma Jr has since disappeared off the scene and the DRC oil minister confirmed Gertler’s involvement two months ago. The M&G revealed Sexwale and Willcox’s own proximity to Caprikat and Foxwhelp in 2010, when it showed that the addresses the companies used as legal domicilium belonged to Mvela Holdings and a Sexwale charitable foundation. At the time, Willcox denied he, Sexwale or any associate had financial interest, saying he had simply given “strategic advice” to Zuma Jr. Willcox is known to have been involved in subsequent attempts to onsell the oil blocks to oil majors -- arguably the flip after the grab. There is no evidence he has done this by dint of ownership, but the facts suggest that Willcox, and Sexwale by extension, knew exactly what Gertler was doing. — Additional research by James Wood Now read: “Suspicion circles Israeli diamond maven who ‘understands negroes’ - Mail & Guardian - Comments by Sonny - Mr Mosima Gabriel Sexwale's controversial life always makes for good reading.....

Angola's Dos Santos wants another term to rebuild

News Africa - Angola's Dos Santos wants another term to rebuild ANGOLA.... 30 AUG 2012 07:00 - GRIFFIN SHEA Angola's president has asked the country to give him five more years in power to further his drive to rebuild the country after its 27-year civil war. OUR COVERAGE Angola polls could spring a surprise MORE COVERAGE Thousands rally for Dos Santos ahead of Angola polls Angola's elections highlights its economic divide President José Dos Santos, already in office for more than 33 years, has campaigned on his MPLA party's multibillion-dollar drive to pour the nation's oil wealth into building roads, schools and clinics to pull the nation from the ashes of war. That oil wealth has also helped his family, particularly his daughter Isabel, assemble a business empire whose largesse was on full display in the carefully choreographed tribute to the man who dominates Angolan politics. Speaking on a stage outside the country's biggest stadium on the final day of election campaigning on Wednesday, he acknowledged the problems facing the country that has created one of the world's fastest-growing economies but left the majority of its people in abject poverty. "We know the challenges that Angola faces. We are a realistic, pragmatic party," he told tens of thousands of cheering supporters for the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Dos Santos said he wanted "everyone to feel part of the grand project to make Angola a prosperous and democratic country". He also urged private business to join government in creating jobs for young Angolans, in a country where more than half the population is under 18 and unemployment is at 30%. The rally was designed like a well-branded street carnival with jumbo screens, thumping music by local pop stars praising the party, and tens of thousands of people – mostly bused in for the party. Dialogue The event is his last campaign stop before Friday's general elections, when the MPLA is expected to easily win. Thursday is a day of deliberation before the voting. The opposition National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (Unita) held a far smaller event late on Wednesday, gathering a few hundred supporters in the sprawling neighbourhood of Viana. Unita leader Isaias Samakuva repeated his criticism of the elections preparations, and said he would seek a meeting with Dos Santos to find ways of resolving them. "We are going to propose a conversation with the candidate and president ... to one more time use dialogue to resolve this situation." Speaking alongside a banner reading "united for change", Samakuva said 2 000 of the party's election monitors had yet to receive accreditation. "Many Angolans' names don't appear on the voter roll, and in many places the voter roll has not been released," he said. "We have come to the conclusion that the National Electoral Commission is not ready. The conditions don't exist to ensure the minimum of an organised, transparent process." Challenges Unita is also facing a challenge from the Casa party, a breakaway formed by Abel Chivukuvuku along with a top MPLA figure, smaller opposition groups and key figures from civil society. He's heavily courted young voters with promises of jobs and better living conditions, issues that resonate with many who had little direct experience of war and now eye Luanda's sparkling new skyscrapers with envy. Angola's last elections were judged overall as legitimate, but this time the voting will take place with far fewer observers. The European Union sent the biggest team last time, but only sent two technical experts this year due to the costs of working in Luanda, one of the world's most expensive cities. Civic groups are stepping in, but their abilities are limited in a country that keeps a tight lid on their activities. Despite efforts to contain dissent, Dos Santos has been rattled by a series of protests since last year by young activists, not linked to any party, taking to the streets to demand jobs, housing, water and electricity. The protests have been small and quickly repressed, but clearly unnerved a government that tolerates little public dissent. Security forces quickly squashed the demos, often beating the activists. Young unemployed men at the Unita rally bemoaned their treatment at the hands of security forces, saying they just wanted to raise the issue of unemployment. "The Chinese come here to work, and we have no jobs," said Raul Mandela (27 - AFP - MAIL & GUARDIAN - Comments by Sonny - Another African Dictator who does not want to relinquish power in a democratic style! Politicians always promise their citizen 'The World' before elections and when they are voted into office their promises fall on deaf ears! South Africa is a good example of this equation!

News National ANC backtracks on key info Bill clauses

News National - ANC backtracks on key info Bill clauses 29 AUG 2012 13:08 - STAFF REPORTER - The ANC's concessions on the secrecy Bill have- further reduced the threat posed to whistle-blowers and the Promotion of Access to Information Act. OUR COVERAGE NCOP wants to avoid vote on secrecy Bill When public interest could trump NPA confidentiality Zuma: Why we're not laughing any more MORE COVERAGE DA: ANC deliberately blocking attempts to fight corruption When the National Council of Provinces's (NCOP) ad hoc committee dealing with the Bill resumed its deliberations on Wednesday, the ruling party agreed to delete two bitterly contested clauses. The first was the provision that the Bill would trump the Promotion of Access to Information Act (Paia). This clause was strongly criticised by the Congress of South African Trade Unions, among others, as being unconstitutional. The second concession was the removal of strict penalties for disclosing any state security matter. The concern with this clause was that the country could be turned into a "security state". In May the committee bent to pressure from interest groups and agreed to its own version of a public interest clause within the Bill. According to that version, whistle-blowers who unlawfully and intentionally disclosed classified state information in contravention of the Act would be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine or imprisonment (for a period not exceeding five years), except where such disclosures reveal criminal activity, including criminal activity for ulterior purposes. Meetings Political parties in Parliament have spent the past few weeks in private discussions in an effort to reach consensus on the Bill. Wednesday's meeting of the ad hoc committee was the first since August 7, when committee chairperson Raseriti Tau adjourned proceedings, saying the process of party-to-party engagements would continue in an attempt to try and reach agreement. "We're not that far apart and that's a good sign," he said at the time. The committee has a deadline of September 30 to consider proposed amendments, before having to report on the Bill to the NCOP, which then submit the changes to the National Assembly. The Bill has drawn international condemnation, with the the United States, Canada, Czech Republic, Germany, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland expressing concerns the proposed law could be a major threat to media freedom. The intervention was welcomed by activists who oppose the Protection of State Information Bill, which could make journalists and whistle-blowers vulnerable to prison sentences of up to 25 years. South Africa's human rights record was scrutinised by a working group of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. A draft report of the meeting shows Spain "asked about measures adopted to ensure that the future protection of state information does not curtail freedom of the press and the right to information on possible inappropriate action by public officials". – Additional reporting by Sapa, AFP - Mail & Guardian - Comments by Sonny - Once the ANC gets this diluted version of the Bill through Parliament they will just amend certain sections to suit their corrupt agenda! The "Protection of State Information Bill" is an unjust document and should be scrapped in its totality! WE ARE ALREADY IN A POLICE STATE IN SA! Love your country - fear your ANC government! How long will the ANC keep violating the Constitution before they amend it?