http://mg.co.za/article/2012-09-28-00-anc-stands-to-benefit-from-r1bn-capitec-bank-bonanza

28 SEP 2012 06:00 - TABELO TIMSE, STEFAANS BRÜMMER, JAMES WOOD Free shares worth almost R1-billion in Capitec is what a consortium linked to financing the ANC has scored thanks to finance from two state bodies. OUR COVERAGE Decoding Kgalema: Enigmatic pretender to the throne MORE COVERAGE Protector agrees to investigate Mtshali bribery claims Capitec eyes higher bank fee income Capitec plans to issue $110m in new shares These are the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), which is supposed to focus on growing state employee pensions, and the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), tasked with economic development. Alongside a funding trust set up by ANC leaders, individual beneficiaries include Gugu Mtshali, the life partner of Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Lotto boss Bongani Khumalo and Pilisiwe Twala-Tau, the wife of Johannesburg mayor Parks Tau. The deal was simple. The consortium, assembled by a controversial ANC fundraiser, bought an empowerment stake in Capitec using funds provided by the IDC. Later, exploiting strong growth in the Capitec stock price, it sold just enough to the PIC to pay off all debt associated with the original purchase. The ANC and some well connected individuals now stand to benefit from the value of the remaining shares – over R950-million – in another instance of the ruling party acting as both player and referee. The party has hit flak in the past for investing through its front company, Chancellor House, in areas where government has a say. The consortium is named Coral Lagoon after the shelf company it uses to house its interest in Capitec. Coral Lagoon's second-largest beneficiary is the Batho Batho Trust, founded by ANC leaders in 1992. Despite attempts to dissociate itself from the ANC, Batho Batho is a major sponsor of the party. A spokesperson would not say whether Batho Batho would transfer proceeds from the Capitec windfall to the ANC, calling it a "hypothetical question" (see "The consortium players that will reap the rewards from the deal"). Batho Batho holds 20% of Coral Lagoon, giving it a net gain of Capitec shares now worth about R190-million. Other significant stakes are held by the companies Keabetsoe Holdings (32%) and Regiments Capital (18%), both of which appear to have strong links to the ANC treasury. Mtshali, Motlanthe's life partner, gained shares now worth R9.5-million. She worked for the ANC treasury when Coral Lagoon was formed. The PIC's role is particularly contentious, because it bought the shares only to warehouse them for onward BEE sale. This echoes its 2004 warehousing of Telkom shares to assist the politically connected Elephant Consortium that consisted of close associates of then-president Thabo Mbeki. The warehousing allowed Coral Lagoon to gain hugely from an investment for which it paid nothing. But the long-term benefit to the PIC and its customers – government employees, whose pensions it invests – is not as clear. The IDC and PIC both denied politics played a role, saying they acted within their mandate of supporting BEE while ensuring decent returns. Coral Lagoon said in a statement: "This transaction can be seen as one of the most successful BEE transactions in South Africa as Coral Lagoon now has an unencumbered holding in Capitec that pays regular dividends." Capitec said it had found both the IDC and PIC "professional" in their dealings and that it had been un-aware the ANC might benefit. ANC treasurer Mathews Phosa declined to respond to questions. New kid on the block JSE-listed Capitec entered retail banking as little more than a microlender in 2001 but, because of technological innovation and product simplicity, it is now barking at the heels of the four big retail banks. In 2006, Capitec found itself way behind the financial sector charter's target of a 25% black shareholding by 2010, after a restructuring reduced its BEE shareholding from 17% to 4%. Capitec needed a new BEE partner. Although potential takers for such deals tend to be plentiful, institutions willing to finance them are not. What set Coral Lagoon apart was that it brought the IDC along, offering to lend almost the entire purchase price. ANC's "Mr 15%" Central to putting the consortium together was Zwelibanzi "Miles" Nzama, a controversial ANC fund-raiser. Nzama attracted public attention in 2003 when a printing company alleged in court that it had lost a Transnet tender because it rebuffed his attempt to extort shares for the ANC. The company, Sechaba Photoscan, said in an affidavit: "Miles Nzama informed us that … with his contacts in the African National Congress, he could guarantee our success for a consideration of 15% of [our] shares … at no cost to his principal." Though Transnet had scored Sechaba Photoscan the highest, it awarded the tender to a rival bidder, which had allegedly fallen for Nzama's advances. Sechaba Photoscan won a record R57-million in damages from Transnet. Nzama, who at the time ran the ANC Fundraising Trust with the then ANC treasurer, Mendi Msimang, remained closely associated with the ANC treasury. Nzama is now an executive of Chancellor House. He did not reply to questions. … and his friends Nzama in turn roped in Regiments Capital, a black-owned investment and advisory firm, to help with the corporate financing and to take up a stake. Regiments executive chairperson Litha Nyhonyha told the Mail & Guardian earlier this year: "Miles [Nzama] and I go back a long way so I know him very well … Capitec was looking for BEE partners. I don't know how they got to approach Miles. And he came to me. We were invited to participate and that's how the deal happened." Nyhonyha too has a long-standing connection with the ANC treasury. In 1992 he and Vusi Khanyile, who was then head of ANC finance, established the Thebe Investment Corporation, then fully owned by Batho Batho. Nyhonyha denied rumours that Regiments is linked to the ANC treasury. "We are a strict private company. We were never set up by the ANC and we were never facilitated by the ANC." But he added: "We believe in this country democracy should be supported financially and, yes indeed, we do donate to the ANC." A third person who helped to set up Coral Lagoon was investment banker Tshepo Mahloele. After stints at the PIC and the Development Bank, he was qualified to help. In fact, as head of the PIC's BEE-supporting Isibaya Fund between 2003 and 2005, he was directly responsible for warehousing the Elephant Consortium's Telkom shares. Shares mystery Mahloele heads Keabetsoe Holdings, a special purpose vehicle whose 32% in Coral Lagoon makes it the biggest beneficiary of the Capitec deal. It gained shares now worth about R300-million. But Keabetsoe's shareholding is opaque. In a January 2007 circular announcing its imminent deal with Coral Lagoon, Capitec stated that Mahloele and Nzama each held 50% of Keabetsoe.However, attempts to establish Nzama's supposed 50% share and whether he held it personally or as a nominee for the ANC, led to contradictory responses. Mahloele even produced a share register purporting to show that Nzama had never held any shares. This would leave Nzama without any stake in Coral Lagoon, which is highly unlikely given his role in launching it. Company registration records show him as one of its active directors. The deal Capitec issued 10-million shares to Coral Lagoon in February 2007. At R30 a share, the price was R300-million. Information provided by the parties shows that Coral Lagoon financed the purchase with two loans: R285-million from the IDC and R15-million from Capitec itself. As this covered the full purchase price and the loans were structured using preference shares, Coral Lagoon carried no risk, even if Capitec's share price collapsed. This left Coral Lagoon as the owner of just over 12% of Capitec, but without the full benefit, as it had to use the substantial dividends received from Capitec to service the IDC and Capitec loans. That changed in February this year, when the PIC bought about 5.3-million of the 10-million shares from Coral Lagoon, at a small discount to the going price of R185 a share. The proceeds were enough to redeem the full original IDC and Capitec loans and pay taxes and transaction costs. The net result was that Coral Lagoon remained with about 4.7-million Capitec shares unencumbered by any debt, then worth R872-million. Further growth in the Capitec share price took this to more than R950-million by the close of trading on Wednesday this week. Coral Lagoon may have some difficulty in turning the shares into instant cash – they cannot be sold on the open market as they must remain in BEE hands – but there is already the benefit of Capitec's sturdy dividend flow. Since February, Coral Lagoon has earned about R22-million in pre-tax dividends. Denials The IDC and the PIC denied favouring Coral Lagoon because it is politically connected and said that the deals made commercial sense. The IDC sidestepped a question about whether it knew of Coral Lagoon's closeness to the ANC treasury, saying: "The IDC considers all applications for funding based on the economic viability and developmental impact of each transaction … Political affiliation of applicants is not a consideration for funding whatsoever." The PIC responded: "The PIC follows robust and rigorous due diligence processes on all transaction we invest in. This includes assessing transactions on merit and value to be derived for our clients. The PIC does not exclude anyone based on their political affiliations." On whether warehousing the shares could expose it to undue risk – there are concerns that significant growth in Capitec's unsecured lending might end its bull run – the PIC said it had done a full analysis. It was "comfortable that the risks related to unsecured lending were within acceptable levels given the proposed holding period of the shares and that the indicative financial returns were in line with our benchmark return requirements." Capitec said it was unaware that the ANC could benefit from the transaction. "Until we received your questions, we were also unaware of the fact that Mr Miles Nzama is a fundraiser for the ANC. "We believe it is wrong for the ANC, as a political party, to participate in a BEE deal and to benefit from funding intended for BEE. We do not, however, believe that somebody who is employed by the ANC or any other political organisation can for that reason be disqualified from participating in a BEE deal." Capitec Bank Holdings' chairperson is the founder of the Millennium Trust, one of the funders of the M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism The consortium players that will reap the rewards from the deal Keabetsoe Holdings: 31.9% = Capitec shares worth R303-million Announcing its BEE deal with Coral Lagoon in 2007, Capitec said Keabetsoe was owned by Tshepo Mahloele and Zwelibanzi "Miles" Nzama, the ANC fundraiser. But the true ownership remains a mystery, as Capitec says it is now informed that "the administration surrounding the shareholding structure has not been formalised yet", whereas Mahloele has produced a share register showing only himself and businessman Blessing Rugara as shareholders from the start. Batho Batho Trust: 20% = Capitec shares worth R190-million Founded in 1992 by ANC and struggle leaders including Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Beyers Naudé, initially as the sole owner of Thebe Investment Corporation. Managing trustee Molefe Tsele insists it is "factually incorrect" that Batho Batho was set up by the ANC or is accountable to it - the founders acted "in their private capacity as community leaders". Batho Batho's deed binds it to support "democracy and socioeconomic transformation" and "the institutional viability and self-sustainability of historically black organisations". However, the ANC remains an important beneficiary. The Sunday Times has revealed an ANC document dating from Batho Batho's founding, stating that "in the trust's documents the area that the trust covers must be defined in extremely narrow terms, such that any profits received are donated to the ANC". Although Batho Batho has boasted of donating R230-million to a range of beneficiaries, the ANC is thought to be the largest. When Batho Batho received an amount approaching R100-million from the sale of Thebe shares in 2006, Tsele and then ANC treasurer Mendi Msimang publicly disagreed about whether the ANC should automatically benefit. The ANC is believed to have received the lion's share, although Tsele would not confirm details. Tsele says that, "without reservation, we do not see it as either legally or morally problematic" to benefit from the Capitec deal. Regiments Capital: 18% = Capitec shares worth R171-million Regiments is led by Litha Nyhonyha and his partners, Niven Pillay and Eric Wood. Nyhonyha co-founded Thebe Investment Corporation, set up in tandem with the Batho Batho Trust in 1992. Lemoshanang Trust: 5% = shares worth R47.5-million The family trust of prominent businessman Baekeng Japie Moropa. Capitec Bank Group Employee Empowerment Trust: 5% = Capitec shares worth R47.5-million A trust set up for Capitec employees that was included in Coral Lagoon in return for Capitec agreeing to finance 5% of Coral Lagoon's purchase of Capitec shares. Nozala Investments: 5% = Capitec shares worth R47.5-million A BEE investment company whose board boasts Chancellor House trustee Salukazi Dakile-Hlongwane and, at the time Coral Lagoon bought into Capitec, Mandela daughter Makaziwe Mandela and Lorato Phalatse, a senior official in Thabo Mbeki's presidency. Mdumo Trust: 4.7% = Capitec shares worth R44.7million A youth development trust founded by Abdoolrawoof Ahmed, a former accountant of Udumo Investments, a company directed by Nzama and Msimang. Koma Trust: 3.5% = Capitec shares worth R33.3million The purpose of the trust is unclear. Trustees include Tlhalefang Sekano, a former union moneyman closely tied to Nzama. Rorisang Basadi Investment Holdings: 3% = Capitec shares worth R28.5million A BEE investment company whose board includes Jackie Huntley, a lawyer in partnership with Leslie Mkhabela, who represented ANC moneyman Sandi Majali before being used by PetroSA in a largely unsuccessful attempt to recover Oilgate money from Majali. Huntley represented Julius Malema in his hate speech trial last year. Gugu Mtshali: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million The life partner of Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe. She worked in the ANC treasury when Coral Lagoon obtained its Capitec stake in 2007. Since then she has courted business controversy as a shareholder in the politically connected Imperial Crown Trading, which obtained exploration rights to Kumba's Sishen iron ore mine (later overturned in court). More recently, she was implicated in an alleged sanctions-busting deal to supply helicopter parts to Iran. Bongani Khumalo: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million Prominent businessman and former Transnet chairperson, who now heads Lotto operator Gidani. Pilisiwe Twala-Tau: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million Wife of Johannesburg mayor Parks Tau and chief executive of Gauteng Enterprise Propeller. She previously occupied senior positions at the Ekurhuleni and Johannesburg metros. Tdikeledi Majola: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million Unknown. Values were calculated using a Capitec share price of R201.47. Consortium members generally preferred not to answer questions but associated themselves with this statement from Coral Lagoon: "The consortium is delighted with its shareholding in Capitec, which has played a major role in taking banking to the unbanked in South Africa. "It is very pleased with the return on its investment to date and with its significant remaining stake in the company. This transaction can be seen as one of the most successful BEE transactions in South Africa as Coral Lagoon now has an unencumbered holding in Capitec that pays regular dividends." * Got a tip-off for us about this story? Email amabhungane@mg.co.za The M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism (amaBhungane) produced this story. All views are ours. See www.amabhungane.co.za for our stories, activities and funding sources. MAIL & GUARDAIN COMMENTS BY SONNY Chancellor House - Luthuli House and all the "Comrades" of the struggle for the poor! It is evident from this, that, the ANC owns and runs BEE in SA. Sanral and all the inside traders will never be investigated by the 'hawks' who are part and parcel of the ANC structures. If this is not an elaborate Pyramid Scheme, then, you ain't seen nothing yet! SHAREMAX and the rest of the HOODS could learn from the BEST within the ANC! IS THE FREE WORLD ALWAYS GOING TO WEAR BLINKERS WHEN IT COMES TO THE ANC? INTERNATIONAL CRIME IS THE PERFECT VEHICLE FOR ORGANISED CRIME AND CORRUPTION IN SA.

Derby-Lewis applies for medical parole

Sapa | 28 September, 2012 11:29 Clive Derby-Lewis The wife of convicted killer Clive Derby-Lewis has applied for his medical parole, according to a report on Friday. Beeld newspaper reported that Derby-Lewis's lawyer Marius Coertze said that Gaye Derby-Lewis had applied for the medical parole and she would not discuss the application with the media. The provincial department of correctional services was not immediately available for comment. Last month Gaye Derby-Lewis said that she would file the papers for the application, as her husband was suffering from cancer and from gangrene in one leg. Derby-Lewis, 76, was denied normal parole last year. An MP of the apartheid-era Conservative Party, Derby-Lewis was sentenced to 25 years in prison for his part in the murder of SA Communist Party general secretary Chris Hani in 1993. He arranged a firearm for hitman Janusz Walus, who is serving the same prison term. Both were initially sentenced to death. This was commuted to life in prison after the abolition of the death penalty. TIMES LIVE Comments by Sonny Clive, if your surnamed was Zuma or Shaik you would never had seen the inside of your cell. I hope to GOD ALMIGHTY that YOU succeed NOW! Son of Africa, You are a true South African "Freedom Fighter" and unsung South African HERO! MAY GOD AND NOT THE ANC GRANT YOU YOUR WELL EARNED FREEDOM!

Rooivalk

The Rooivalk project began in early 1984 under the auspices of the Atlas Aircraft Corporation, a predecessor of Denel Aviation. Faced with the increasingly conventional nature of the South African Border War, the South African Defence Force recognised the need for a dedicated attack helicopter and accordingly set along the process of developing a suitable aircraft.
The Atlas XH-1 Alpha was the first prototype to emerge from the program. It was developed from an Aérospatiale Alouette III airframe, retaining that helicopter's engine and dynamic components, but replacing the original cockpit with a stepped tandem one, adding a 20 mm cannon on the nose and converting the undercarriage to tail-dragger configuration. The XH-1 first flew on 3 February 1985. The results were ultimately good enough to convince Atlas and the SAAF that the concept was feasible, opening the door for the development of the Rooivalk.
During the Rooivalk's development it was decided to base the aircraft on the dynamic components of the Aérospatiale Super Puma, a larger and more powerful helicopter. These components were already used on the Atlas Oryx, a local upgrade and modification of the Aérospatiale Puma. ( Wikipedia )

’n Ongemaklike waarheid - UNEASY TRUTH

THE TRUTH ABOUT SOUTH AFRICA 1962 - 1994 2011-11-13 20:53 Artikelopsies Deel Kry Beeld op Foto's · Lesersfoto’s ·
Nuus in Foto's Stuur vir ons jou foto's · Stuur vir ons jou foto's Ons was daar – Herinneringe van die wenners van die oorlog om Suider-Afrika is wesenlik ’n poging om die Angolese oorlog uit te beeld as ’n Koue Oorlog-botsing tussen ’n Kommunistiese supermoondheid en “ons” – die Boere en hul bondgenote. Dié siening is natuurlik ’n belediging vir diegene wat verkies om dit te sien as ’n struggle tussen vryheidsvegters en apartheidsrassiste, maar deesdae word dit bra moeilik om ’n man soos Jannie Geldenhuys hieroor aan te vat. Die bewyse van die teenoorgestelde is te sterk.

Onlangse navorsing deur prof. Stephen Ellis van die Universiteit van Leiden dui daarop dat selfs die kwansuis gematigde Nelson Mandela ’n geheime lid van die Kommunistiese Party was. Ellis beweer dit was die SAKP wat in 1960 teen Pretoria oorlog verklaar en daarna die noodlottige besluit op die ANC afgedwing het. Die gevolge was voorspelbaar: die SA Polisie het gereageer en die ANC uit die land verdryf. In ballingskap het ANC-leiers al hoe dieper in die Sowjet-kamp inbeweeg. Volgens die skrywer Mark Gevisser, aan wie toegang verleen is tot sensitiewe ANC-dokumente, was 29 van die 30 grootbase in die ANC se nasionale uitvoerende komitee in die sewentigs en tagtigs geheime lede van die SAKP.

Met ander woorde, die regses was reg: die ANC was inderdaad ’n Rooi komplot en as sulks ’n pion in ’n groter Sowjet-magspel, waarvan die doel was om Sowjet-kliëntstate dwarsdeur Suider-Afrika te vestig. Toe die ANC nie kon hond haaraf maak nie, het die Sowjet betaal om Kubaanse troepe na Angola te stuur. En toe ook dít nie werk nie, het hulle Russe gestuur om advies en opleiding te gee. Teen 1987 beskik Angola oor een van die grootste leërs ooit in Afrika: sewe brigades van plaaslike soldate, toegerus met die jongste Sowjet-tenks, missiele en vegvliegtuie, met ’n reserwe van 50 000 Kubane. In Junie van dié jaar steek die voorhoede die Lomba-rivier oor en begin suidooswaarts rol, vasbeslote om Unita te verdelg.
Die Britse akademikus James Chin het verlede jaar ’n linkse weergawe gepubliseer van wat kamtig daarna sou gebeur het. In sy weergawe het die SA Weermag besef hul Unita-makkers is in die sop en hulle te hulp gesnel, maar ’n verpletterende nederlaag in die omgewing van Cuito Cuanavale gely. Tegelykertyd het Kubaanse troepe met die persoonlike tussenkoms van Fidel Castro ’n blitzkrieg van stapel gestuur en derduisende Suid-Afrikaners omsingel.
Volgens Chin het Castro die verslae oorlewendes ’n keuse gebied: lê julle wapens neer of sterf. Die verslane Suid-Afrikaners het glo gehensop en huis toe gestap. Hierdie wolhaarstorie of ’n variant daarvan het een van ons regime se grondliggende mites geword. Daarvolgens is die apartheidsweermag in Angola verpletter, ’n ontwikkeling wat FW de Klerk sou gedwing het om Mandela vry te laat en meerderheidsregering te aanvaar.
Die hemel het na Guy Fawkes gelyk ... In oorloë is waarheid dikwels die eerste slagoffer, maar dié konkoksie is ’n triomf van wensdenkery en iewers langs die pad het genl. Geldenhuys en sy medesoldate duidelik hul gesamentlike moer gestrip. Hulle het besluit hulle gaan die rekord regstel – derhalwe hierdie boek, ’n samestelling van artikels deur dosyne soldate wat die oorlog meegemaak het. Senior offisere se skryfwerk is geneig om droog te wees, maar hier en daar kom ’n bliksemstraal, dikwels uit die pen van een van die jong dienspligtiges wat in September 1987 slagveld toe gestuur is. Aanvanklik was verveling die grootste vyand: verveling en vlieë, gyppo guts en lelike goggas soos die sogenaamde “pismot” wat brandende suur op ’n troepie gespoeg (of gepis) het.
Een laaitie vertel hoe hy en sy makkers droëvrugte uit hul “ratpacks” gebruik het om mampoer te stook. Nog een vertel van ’n ou wat so verveeld was dat hy Sowjet-Migs met ’n spieëltjie geflits het om hulle uit te lok. Maar die Mig-vlieërs was versigtig om te laag te vlieg en die Migs het in elk geval min gevaar gebied, want die Russe het blykbaar nie besef dat ’n gewone bom wat in sand ontplof slegs ’n groot gat vir homself grawe nie.
Intussen, êrens in die noorde, was stafsers. Anton Beukman betrokke by ’n “mission impossible”. Hy en ’n span recce-duikers het opdrag gekry om ’n brug oor die Cuitorivier op te blaas om te verhoed dat versterkings die Kubaanse/Angolese magte op die suidelike oewer bereik. Hulle het geweet die rivier wemel van krokodille en hul enigste teenmiddel was “die graspol in die hol”; dit wil sê bid en hoop op die beste. Die recces het teen sononder in die rivier geglip en ses uur geswem tot by hul teiken. Wagte het hulle raakgesien toe hulle plofstof op die brug plaas; een is geskiet en gewond.
Daarna swem hulle stroom-af in die donker nag. Agter hulle lyk dit na Guy Fawkes soos ontploffings die hemel verlig. Teen dagbreek was Beukman agter. Hy’t in die riete weggekruip en teen sonsondergang weer begin swem. Skielik het ’n krokodil hom gegryp, “soos ’n lappop rondgeslinger” en teen die bodem vasgepen. Die dier het gewag dat sy prooi verdrink, maar hom met Beukman misreken. Dié het sy mes uitgepluk, die krokodil in die oog gesteek en nog 20 kilometer na die optelpunt geswem met dye en boude wat amper flenters verskeur was. Kort daarna begin die slag in erns. Die Suid-Afrikaners en hul bondgenote was in ’n minderheid van een teen drie, en hul teenstanders het van die mees gevorderde radar- en lugafweerstelsels op aarde gehad. Ná twee maande van onophoudelike aksie was die troepe naby waansinnig. Klere flenters, swart gebrand, honger, stink soos muishonde. Maar hulle het daarin geslaag om die vyand te stuit.
Volgens die Amerikaanse diplomaat Chester Crocker was verliese aan die Sowjet-kant “verstommend”. Twee Angolese brigades is uitmekaar gemoker, oorlewendes het vir hul lewe gevlug – die slagveld agter hulle besaai met miljarde dollar se Sowjet-wapentuig. Soos Geldenhuys vertel, kon alleen ’n Rooi diktator so ’n vernede- ring in ’n oorwinning omskep. In die vrye wêreld sou die pers die waarheid geopenbaar en Castro uitgelag het. Hoe weet ons die Suid-Afrikaanse weergawe is waar? Deels omdat dit so gedetailleerd is, maar ook omdat die SA Weermag se bevelhebbers bereid is om hul feilbaarheid te erken. Vat byvoorbeeld die bydrae van kol. Junior Botha, ’n knorrige oubaas wat in beplanning betrokke was. Botha skroom nie om te sê sy seniors (ook hyself) was by tye dwaas nie.
Syns insiens was dit veral dom om te glo hulle kon die vlugtende Angolese/Kubaanse leër agternasit en uitwis – die afstande was te groot, en die Suid-Afrikaners was sonder lugdekking. Maar die generaals wou nie luister nie en het hul les geleer. “Ons is wie ons is,” sug die ou Boerekryger. “Ons gaan van mekaar verskil.” Teen Februarie 1988 was daar in elk geval vredesonderhandelinge aan die gang en het die Suid-Afrikaners tou opgegooi en onttrek. Die wêreld sou nooit weer dieselfde wees nie. Die Sowjet-unie was besig om in duie te stort; sy verliese in Angola was die einde van sy imperiale droom. Wat van die swart voetsoldate? Maar terwyl ek my hoed vir Geldenhuys en sy soldate lig, moet ek een bedenking lug.

Die generaals spog dat hul oorwinnings met minimale verliese behaal is – net 31 Suid-Afrikaanse gesneuweldes. ANC-ondersteuners beweer die SA Weermag lieg, maar ek twyfel: As ’n Boerseun op die slagveld sterf, het die hele dorp geweet en by sy begrafnis opgedaag. Dit was amper onmoontlik om weg te steek. Wit Suid-Afrikaners het egter net ’n klein deel van die anti-Sowjetmagte uitgemaak en dikwels op ’n afstand ondersteuning gebied. Die voetsoldate was swartes van Unita; ’n menigte van hulle het gesneuwel om die SA Weermag te laat oorwin. Dit skyn oneerbaar van Geldenhuys en Kie. te wees om hul opofferinge minder te ag .

(Hy sê Unita se verliese is Unita se saak en moes dus deur Unita bekendgestel gewees het. Nogtans.) In die geheel beskou ek Ons was daar as ’n belangrike boek ondanks tekortkomings. Die triomfantelike toon is soms ’n bietjie te veel, maar die ANC se oorwinningsfantasie is selfs aanstootliker. De Klerk het in die onderhandelingsfase toegelaat dat die ANC wegkom met windmakerige grootpratery omdat hy geweet het hulle het iets nodig om op trots te wees.
Maar nou gebruik Malema en ander die mite van Cuito Cuanavale om te beweer die ANC was te vrygewig teenoor die verslane wit mense en dat hulle dus die morele reg het om die Grondwet te wysig en plase sonder vergoeding af te vat. Daarvan weet ek nie mooi nie. Die ANC het ’n vreedsame skikking aanvaar omdat hulle tot die besef gekom het ’n militêre oorwinning was onhaalbaar. En daarvoor moet ons vir Jannie Geldenhuys en sy manne dankie sê.

Rian Malan is ’n skrywer en joernalis. Sy bundel artikels, Resident Alien, is onlangs weer deur Jonathan Ball gepubliseer. BEELD Geraamtes uit die Rooi argiewe 2012-09-23 21:50 Artikelopsies Deel Kry Beeld op Foto's · Lesersfoto’s · Nuus in Foto's Stuur vir ons jou foto's · Stuur vir ons jou foto's Rian Malan Stephen Ellis lê ’n geskiedenis bloot waarvan die regerende party liefs sal wil vergeet. Daar is iets vir almal hieruit te leer, skryf Rian Malan.

External Mission: The ANC in Exile, 1960-1990 Stephen Ellis JONATHAN BALL, R200 As tiener het ek dikwels plegtig onderneem om by die Kommunisteparty aan te sluit – deels omdat ek myself as links beskou het, maar hoofsaaklik omdat dit my pa, wyle Attie ­Malan, ’n lewenslange NP-ondersteuner, geïrriteer het. Toe gaan ek Amerika toe, waar ek betrokke geraak het by die Second Thoughts-beweging, ’n soort Alkoholiste Anoniem vir ontnugterde oud-kommuniste. Party van daai ouens het saam met Fidel Castro baklei. Party het dekades in Viëtnam se woude teen imperialisme geveg. Party was lede van die Oosblok-kommuniste-aristokrasie.

Almal had gebroke harte, want hul stryd het uitgeloop op polisiestate waar werkers honger gely en vrydenkendes in die tronk beland het. Sulke stories het my laat besef my pa was reg: Die kommunis is ’n dier wat fyn dopgehou moet word. “’n Kommunis,” het hy altyd gesê, “sal nooit huiwer om tot sy beweging se voordeel te lieg nie.” Toe ek 19 was, het dit na stront geklink. Vandag weet ­ek beter, deels danksy prof. ­Stephen Ellis, die Amsterdam-gesetelde akademikus wat vroeër vanjaar onthul het Nelson Mandela was eens ’n geheime lid van die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunisteparty.

Ek het gedag dis ’n sensasionele storie, maar die wêreld­media het dit heeltemal geïgnoreer – seker omdat hulle weier om te glo dat Mandela in staat is om oor enigiets te lieg. Diegene wat Ellis se Mandela-bom geïgnoreer het, sal glad nie van sy nuwe boek hou nie, want dis ook vol skokkende verrassings. Die meeste Suid-Afrikaners glo byvoorbeeld dat die ANC op Dingaansdag in 1961 oorlog teen Pretoria verklaar het. Nie so nie, seg Ellis. Volgens navorsing wat hy in External Mission uiteensit, is die kritieke besluit eintlik ’n jaar vroeër op ’n geheime Kommunisteparty-vergadering in die wit buurt Emmarentia in Johannesburg geneem.

Daarna, sê Ellis, moes die kleine SAKP die magtige ANC oorreed om sy voorbeeld te volg, met geheime agente soos Mandela wat ’n leidende rol gespeel het. Volgens Ellis was wat toe sou volg “tantamount to a coup ­within the ANC”. Die Kommuniste het pres. Albert ­Luthuli, wat teen geweld gekant was, opsy gestoot en MK geskep as ’n soort Kommunisties-beheerde ­feodale ryk binne die moeder-organisasie. Hieroor het hulle natuurlik ook gelieg. Hulle moes.

Die Kommunisteparty was onwettig in Suid-Afrika. Maar, soos Ellis opmerk, daar was nog ’n rede: Afrika-leiers soos Kaunda en Nyerere het dit duidelik gemaak dat hulle teen énige vennootskap met wit mense en Indiërs gekant was, selfs al was hul beleid Rooi. Afrikaniste binne die ANC het ’n soortgelyke houding aangeneem, wat verklaar waarom hulle so hard baklei het om die ANC ’n slegs swart organisasie te hou. Hul vrees, volgens Ellis, was dat hulle opsy gestoot sou word deur goed opgevoede wit mense en Indiërs, soos in ­Lon­den die geval was waar Joe ­Slovo en Yusuf Dadoo se operasie nie kon spog met ’n enkele swart gesig nie.

By hierdie spannings kom nog die wydverspreide verwensing van “Xhosa-oorheersing” en ’n heimlike agterdog aan die kant van die troepe dat leiers nie juis in baklei belanggestel het nie. Ons het dikwels dié soort ­dinge by die wit regses gehoor. In Ellis se boek hoor ons dit van kamerade self, gewoonlik in die vorm van vertroulike korrespondensie uit verskeie argiewe opgediep, onder meer die argief van die Stasi, die Oos-Duitse geheime polisie. Junior kamerade kla oor wydverspreide demoralisering weens “verduistering, korrupsie en misbruik van vroue”. Senior kamerade stem saam. “Daar is groot fout met ons beweging,” skryf Mark Shope. Jack Simons gaan so ver as om te sê die gewapende stryd het ’n “charade” geword wat net dien om skenkings die ANC se koffers te laat invloei.

Simons kon hom vryelik uitdruk, want hy was lid van die beweging se Kommuniste-elite. Troepies in kampe was minder gelukkig. Ná 1969 was hulle onder beheer van ’n hardvogtige veiligheidstruktuur wat deur Oos-Duitsers opgelei is en ’n Stalinistiese houding jeens meningsverskil gehad het. “Enigiemand wat die leierskap durf kritiseer het, het die beweging ondermyn,” skryf ­Ellis. “Aangesien dit die belange van die vyand gedien het, was hulle ‘objektief’ gesien as vyandelike agente en het verdien om dienooreenkomstig behandel te word.” In die ANC het dit marteling, gevangenskap en dikwels die dood beteken. Tog het opstand in die ANC se militêre kampe net onder die oppervlak bly prut.

Soldate muit gewoonlik om die slagveld te ontvlug, maar in die ANC was die omgekeerde waar: Soldate was pal in beroering om huis toe gestuur te word om te veg, net om deur kommissars, oënskynlik heel tevrede met hul lewe in ballingskap, gestuit te word. Volgens Ellis kon dit wees omdat elemente van die beweging se leierskap betrokke was by winsgewende misdadige skemas wat die ondergrondse netwerk gebruik het om mandrax in Suid-Afrika ín te smokkel en gesteelde motors daarúít. Vandag word Suid-Afrika regeer deur manne wat pal die ANC se militant-heldhaftige geskiedenis oproep om hul mag te regverdig en teenstanders te verwerp as reaksionêre. “An unkind critic,” sê Ellis, “would call this a fantasy or delusion.” Ellis sou waarskynlik ’n soortgelyke oordeel oor my uitspreek. Ná ’n dop of twee is ek totaal kapabel en oortuig myself die Afrikaners se stryd in die laat 20ste eeu was wesenlik ’n stryd teen Stalinisme.
Ek is nie verkeerd nie, maar, uit erkenning vir Steve Biko se herdenkingsdag, laat ek erken ek is ook nie reg nie. Hy was nie ’n Kommunis nie, maar ons het hom in elk geval vermoor. Laat ons ook net ’n wyle hieroor nadink, dat ons dit nie herhaal nie. Rian Malan is ’n skrywer en sosiale kommentator. Stephen Ellis is die Desmond ­Tutu-professor van sosiale wetenskappe aan die Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam en senior navorser by die Afrika-Studiecentrum in Leiden. Hy is ook voormalige redakteur van die nuusbrief Africa Confidential en van die tydskrif African Affairs van die Britse Royal African Society. Foto: Verskaf BEELD -

Comments by Sonny -

THE SACP AND NOT THE ANC WAS IN CONTROL OF THE COMMUNIST ONSLAUGHT AGAINST APARTHEID DURING THE 1960's. Now Zuma and his cronies are giving the SACP/COSATU alliance the cold shoulder when it comes to distribution of Post Apartheid wealth!

It's a great pity that Prof Stephen ELLIS did not work for SAP, Stratcom or MI. On 2nd August 1962 the ANC/SACP were dealt a death blow when Braam Fischer and Nelson Mandela and all their comrades were arrested at Little Lilly Rivonia.

Ronnie Kasrils and his comrades in their book LONDON Recruits "THE SECRET WAR AGAINST APARTHEID" Edited by Ken Keable Introduction by Ronnie Kasrils Forwardword by Z. Pallo Jordan had to resort to pamphlet distribution within the borders of SA and to recruit members for the then banned ANC/SACP/SACOD.

THERE IS NO QUESTION THAT DURING THE SA BORDER WARS 1966 - 1989 SOUTH AFRICA HAD THE BEST, WELL OILED, WAR MACHINE IN AFRICA AND PERHAPS THE REST OF THE WORLD FOR ITS SIZE! WE PAY TRIBUTE HERE TO ALL OUR FALLEN HEROES AND THE BRAVE SOLDIERS WHO DID BATTLE WITH THE ENEMIES OF SOUTH AFRICA. THE SAP AND SADF AND ALL THEIR COMPONENTS WILL GO DOWN IN HISTORY AS THE BEST OF THE BEST! THE PEOPLE WILL RULE SOUTH AFRICA AGAIN!

News National University fuels Malema's mining revolution

21 SEP 2012 05:45 - RAPULA MOATSHE, LIONEL FAULL As the Limpopo cash cow dries up, two of the Friends of the Youth League are milking a generous benefactor: the University of Limpopo. OUR COVERAGE Youth will rebel if Juju is arrested Malema Inc: Mechanics of the 'silent partner' MORE COVERAGE DA: Malema got special treatment at Limpopo by-election The University of Limpopo is oiling the wheels of the patronage machine around expelled ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema through two multimillion-rand contracts handed to his close associates. The beneficiaries, Mandla Seopela and Collins Foromo, are linked to the Friends of the Youth League, which Malema and his allies set up as an alternative structure to the ANC Youth League after his expulsion from the ANC. The national government took over the administration of five Limpopo departments in December,a move widely seen as cutting off the flow of state resources to those around Malema. Now, according to two sources familiar with the university's financial administration, it is one of the last pockets of support for his campaign. Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan told Parliament in May that 38 "suspicious transactions" in Limpopo have been referred to police for criminal investigation. The Mail & Guardian was told the higher education department had questioned the awarding of the two university contracts, but the university's senior management, which cited the Higher Education Act as protecting their autonomy, thwarted it. The department denied this on Thursday, but confirmed that the university council had launched an investigation into allegations contained in a report by the public protector. The report is unconnected to the public protector's yet-to-be-released investigation into Malema's companies. As Malema and the Friends crisscrossed the platinum belt last month in the wake of the violent protests in which 46 people died, questions were raised about the source of the funding for his "economic freedom" campaign. The questions come amid intense scrutiny of Malema's own finances flowing from parallel probes by the public protector, the Hawks and the South African Revenue Service. Malema's time of reckoning Three-phase project The university confirmed that in July last year it awarded a R27.8-million tender for the conversion of a gymnasium into a laboratory to Foromo, Malema's former driver-turned-businessman. The M&G understands that this is the first stage of three-phase project worth about R60-million in total. Foromo told the M&G that he is invited to all the Friends's rallies, but denied contributing to the organisation. In addition, the university has handed Seopela, one of the founders of the Friends and a self-confessed Malema sympathiser, a lucrative three-year lease for dining facilities on campus, enabling him to sell meals to students. The precise value of the deal could not be established this week. The university confirmed that it awarded the tender to Seopela's company, Bohlaleng Foods, in respect of the Medunsa campus in January last year. Seopela toured Marikana in Malema's company two days after 34 miners were shot dead during a protest. He has been previously quoted, alternatively with Floyd Shivambu, as a spokesperson for the Friends. A former president of the South African Students Congress and an ex-president of the university's student representative council, Seopela also works as a speechwriter for Limpopo Premier and close Malema ally Cassel Mathale. A university council member complained that the subcommittee responsible for awarding contracts is notorious for not attaching detailed records of its decisions to its reports. Tender winners are simply announced as a fait accompli, the source claimed. Bigger battles 'Now that they can't control the provincial government departments, they're using the university to get money," said the council member. But Friends spokesperson Shivambu issued a ringing denial: "Whoever is trying to link us to any form of wrongdoing in tenders is being a fucking arsehole. We have bigger battles to focus on here than fighting against crocodiles. Why would we be bothered by lizards and petty unrelated issues?" Asked whether the university is gratifying political forces aligned with Malema, the university's marketing and communications executive director, Kgalema Mohuba, said he is "unaware of this serious allegation". "Obviously your source has more information than the university and we think that he or she should be helpful in providing details," he said. Mohuba is said to be "very powerful", with oversight of strategic sectors of the university, including recruitment, contracts and campus security, and works hand in glove with vice-chancellor Nehemiah Mokgalong. Both men have served the university for years and have firm ties to Mathale. Mokgalong, who sits on the tender and physical planning committees, is said to serve as an adviser to Mathale. Mohuba moves in the same business circles as Mathale and his wife, sharing a number of mutual business partners. Mohuba is also credited with persuading the university council to host the hotly contested ANC conference in 2007. The move endeared Mohuba to the party - but not to the university, which is reportedly still owed millions. Mokgalong denied advising Mathale, saying: "I'm not a politician." He added that disgruntled university staff members who had resigned or been dismissed were behind the allegations. These had "made all attempts to vilify university management and the governance structure ... to settle cheap political scores," he said. Raised eyebrows The tender awarded to TC Foromo Trading Enterprise has raised eyebrows, and not only because of Foromo's links with Malema. The council source questioned the cost of the tender, saying: "It's not like Foromo needs to build something new – the basic structure is already in place". It is also not clear why the contract is set to unfold in three stages. Foromo said: "I bid for the tender like any other businessman who saw it in the newspaper, not because of the political connection. Julius [Malema] doesn't know what I'm doing, and I don't report to him." Several sources familiar with Malema and Foromo claim that the latter started out as a taxi driver in Johannesburg before Malema recruited him as his personal driver several years ago. Foromo began dabbling in small tenders, but he and his wife now drive around Polokwane in matching Mercedes C63s. Foromo said: "I never used to be his driver; I only assisted him by driving him around. It's not like I was getting paid." Part and parcel Like Foromo, Seopela's fortunes have been intricately tied to Malema's. He was a Thabo Mbeki lobbyist in the province when Malema, then provincial youth league secretary, supported Jacob Zuma. A well-placed source said that relations soured further when Malema set up Seopela's girlfriend with a Zanu-PF youth league official. It was only when Seopela apologised to Malema that he was rewarded with the prestigious position of speechwriter to Mathale. Seopela admitted he was "part and parcel" of the Friends but denied being a funder: "I wish I had millions ... unfortunately I don't," he said. But he added: "I'm one of those people who believe that these comrades [Malema, Shivambu and former youth league secretary Sindiso Magaqa] were persecuted for wrong reasons." Shivambu said: "There has never been any activity we [the Friends] did that required any fundraising from anyone. The only contribution was for the memorial service [of the miners], which came from concerned South Africans who felt the need to help workers. Lawyers are acting pro bono and nothing else needed funding because we can afford petrol money to go wherever we want to go." * Got a tip-off for us about this story? Email amabhungane@mg.co.za The M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism (amaBhungane) produced this story. All views are ours. See www.amabhungane.co.za for our stories, activities and funding sources. - MAIL & GUARDIAN - COMMENTS BY SONNY - How the 'lame shall lead the blind!' The people fuelling the "MALEMA REVOLUTION" are counter revolutionaries! In times of WAR or in the ANC CONCENTRATION CAMPS in Angola, they would have been treated as SUCH! Comrade Chris Hani was almost a statistic of the ANC cleansing revolution! He did not get to lead South Africa. AS ONE COMRADE TYCOON JUSTLY PUT IT....."THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY IS MY FRIEND!"..... DESTINY WILL DEFINE THE TRAITORS!

ConCourt grants govt appeal on tolls

ConCourt grants govt appeal on tolls 2012-09-20 10:27 AfriForum has put on hold its intended legal action on the e-tolling penalty tariff for non-registered users, the lobby group says. (File, Sapa) Multimedia · User Galleries · News in Pictures Send us your pictures · Send us your stories READ MORE STORIES ABOUT Tolls Gauteng e-tolls to go ahead - 20 Sep ConCourt grants govt appeal on tolls - 20 Sep Judgment day for Gauteng e-tolls - 20 Sep E-toll ruling expected soon - 19 Sep E-tolls: State not fighting public - 16 Aug Reasons for e-toll halt vague - lawyer - 15 Aug DA shows support outside e-toll case - 15 Aug E-toll face-off heads for ConCourt - 15 Aug DA prevented from joining e-toll case - 13 Aug kalahari.com buy books, music, dvds, appliances and much more Books Galore! Millions of books available at discounted prices! Fiction, thrillers, biographies,... Johannesburg - The Constitutional Court set aside an interim order that put on hold a plan to toll highways in Gauteng, in a judgment on Wednesday. "The interim order granted by the high court on 28 April, 2012, is set aside," said Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke. This was because the high court had not considered the separation of powers between the court and the executive. The North Gauteng High Court granted the Opposition to Urban Tolling Alliance (Outa) an interdict on April 28, ruling that a full review needed to be carried out before electronic tolling of Gauteng's highways could be put into effect. The interdict prevented the SA National Roads Agency Limited (Sanral) from levying or collecting e-tolls pending the outcome of a judicial review. Sanral and National Treasury appealed the court order, and said delays prevented the payment of debts incurred building gantries. Reading the unanimous judgment, Moseneke said the separation of powers was vital to South Africa's constitutional democracy. Courts should refrain from doing this unless they did so in a constitutional way and in exceptional circumstances. The national executive was responsible for public resources and, "absent of fraud or corruption", had the power and prerogative to implement and finance projects, with the approval of Parliament. "Courts are not always well-suited to make decisions of that order," said Moseneke. Outa leader Wayne Duvenage said after the judgment: "They can't start e-tolls tomorrow. Sanral would have to put plans in place and still deal with some outstanding issues." - SAPA - COMMENTS BY SONNY When the ConCourt becomes politically driven, then is cannot represent the PEOPLE! When Judges are appointed by a political president, then they may possible seek favours and return favours when called upon to do so. If South Africa was a true Democracy, then the president of the ANC would not say ....."the opposition and electorate does not count!"..... SANRAL IS AND WAS UNCONSTITUTIONAL. WHY MUST IT BE IMPLEMENTED TO SAVE AN UNJUST POLITICAL PARTY? SCRAP SANRAL AND ANC CORRUPTION NOW!!