Monday, March 11, 2013

Hailed journalist Mandy Rossouw dies

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Hailed journalist Mandy Rossouw dies
12 Mar 2013 07:19 - Staff Reporter

Former Mail & Guardian journalist Mandy Rossouw has died at the age of 33 in her flat in Bryanston, Johannesburg.
Mandy Rossouw (Twitter)
According to Beeld, Rossouw was admitted to hospital at the weekend with chest pains but was discharged a few hours later.

A friend found her body at her flat when she failed to arrive for a dinner date. The cause of her death was unknown.

M&G editor-in-chief Nic Dawes said: "Mandy was an extraordinary presence in our newsroom and in our pages; vivid, acute, and determined to break the story. Our thoughts are with her family, her Media24 colleagues and her many friends across the worlds of journalism, politics and diplomacy."

Rossouw was the international correspondent for the Media24 group.

She also worked as a politics journalist for Beeld and was a politics reporter for the Mail & Guardian.

Last year, she released the book Kings and Kingmakers before the ANC's national elective conference in Mangaung in the Free State.

"Her death is a huge loss for us," said Tim du Plessis, head of Afrikaans newspapers at Media24.

Tweets flooded in on Tuesday morning from friends, colleagues and the public, expressing their shock at Rossouw's death. – Additional reporting by Sapa



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The ability to feel sympathy for each other is one of the most beautiful traits that we possess as humans. The human condition is one of fundamental aloneness. When we reach out and share our sympathies with another human being in pain, we are offering a great kindness to the individual in pain. He knows that he is fundamentally alone but at least he knows that others care and are trying to understand.

Source: Sympathy Poems - Poems about Sympathy http://www.familyfriendpoems.com/death/sympathy-poems.asp#ixzz2NImaPeNz
www.FamilyFriendPoems.com

Still Here
By Stephen Hamer
Remember them like they’re still here
Even though they are not
They have gone to a better place
Somewhere we are not

The feeling of loss we get
Some people don’t understand
Just ..........


Source: Sympathy Poems - Poems about Sympathy http://www.familyfriendpoems.com/death/sympathy-poems.asp#ixzz2NInLXTlq
www.FamilyFriendPoems.com

Saturday, March 9, 2013

Dirk Coetzee, Vlakplaas commander turned whistleblower, meets his end

No fear, No favour, No Regrets.........




    DE WET POTGIETER     SOUTH AFRICA     08  MARCH 2013



Dirk Coetzee collapsed on Wednesday afternoon in Pretoria and died of kidney failure, after years of suffering from cancer. Former commander of the South African police’s Vlakplaas unit, a rogue cop and convicted murderer, Coetzee survived several assassination bids on his life since 1989 - in South Africa and while he was in exile in Lusaka and London, Like a cat with nine lives, he somewhat miraculously managed to live to be 57. Still, he died a lonely man, writes DE WET POTGIETER.
Coetzee was the man who lifted the veil on the existence of the notorious hit squads of the police who operated from a top secret base on the farm Vlakplaas, west of Pretoria. His revelations in 1989 in the liberal Afrikaans weekly newspaper, Vrye Weekblad, sent shockwaves around the world and finally confirmed the horrific truth that so many people suspected of a sinister government-sanctioned killing machine.
It had been common knowledge that he had suffered from insulin-dependent diabetes all his life and had not been well recently, and it was understood that the tough life as hit squad commander, heavy drinking sprees and partying in his heyday had taken its toll on Coetzee’s health.
During the Apartheid regime, he was one of the co-founders of the Vlakplaas unit and was involved in a number of atrocities – among others, the assassinations of Sizwe Khondile and Griffiths Mxenge.
The police’s Vlakplaas unit used so-called “turned” ANC cadres called Askaris to hunt down freedom fighters in the townships as well as across the borders in Swaziland, Botswana, Zimbabwe and elsewhere. They were a law on their own and much feared in the country’s dissident communities.
Vlakplaas and the other police hit squads had operated very closely with the old South African Defence Force’s own third force, the Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB), in gathering intelligence on the ANC underground networks. They also joined forces in particular assassinations.
Soon after he revealed the existence of the murder squads in the police, Coetzee went into hiding and fled to London, where he joined the ANC in exile. His successor as commander of C10 (the Vlakplaas unit), Eugene de Kock, in later years admitted during his trial that he gave the orders for the assassination bid on Coetzee in exile.
Coetzee was not the flavour of the month when he returned from exile in the 1990’s, and until his death on Wednesday there was no love lost for him from his former police colleagues and hit squad buddies.
Although Coetzee had always been a vocal and outspoken person - something that landed him in trouble with his spy bosses - he had been noticeably quiet in the past few years. His alcohol abuse and diabetes also took its toll, and his short-term memory clearly left him in the lurch at times.
The last time he made headlines was in July last year, when he lifted the lid on the dodgy dealings of EduSolutions, the company contracted by the state to buy and deliver textbooks to schools across South Africa.
EduSolutions was at the centre of the textbook storm in Limpopo last year when Anis Karodia, the former Limpopo education department administrator, claimed he was pressured by Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga to keep using the company despite serious irregularities surrounding the contract. Coetzee was working as a private investigator at the time.
It was revealed to Daily Maverick on Thursday that Coetzee never realised until the week of his death how many times efforts were made to assassinate him. Speaking on condition of anonymity, a former colleague and hit squad member, who served under Coetzee at Vlakplaas in 1981, said that the former police captain become a whistleblower not because his political persuasions, but rather in order to survive after being caught dealing in illegal diamonds with known criminals.
Several of his former colleagues said Coetzee never really cared for anybody else but himself. His big mouth always landed him in trouble, and his way of not giving a damn made him rather unpopular at police headquarters in Pretoria.
The top brass eventually realised that Coetzee had become a liability and security risk for the police force, and the dirty trick squad swung into action – making life unbearable for him and ensuring he was discredited wherever he applied for a job.
Before his story was told in the Vrye Weekblad, Coetzee was going around to various newspapers in South Africa trying to convince editors to publish his story about a sinister police hit squad. His story was so outlandish that it was at first assumed to be conspiracy theory from a disgraced police officer suffering from chronic low blood sugar. Initially, nobody wanted to believe him.
Furthermore, the police’s powerful disinformation machinery - better known as “strategic communication” (Stratcom) - used all its might to discredit Coetzee. Behind all of this was the former police spy, Craig Williamson, who along with his team was dedicated to preventing Coetzee from revealing the horrible truth of the hit squads.
When he finally spilled the beans in 1989, Coetzee immediately afterwards went into hiding and later fled to Lusaka, until he managed to get to London. But while he was still in hiding in South Africa, the first desperate bid was made by hit squad members to flush him out of the bush and grab him.
With the first plot they wanted to abduct his two sons from the primary school in Wonderboom South when their mother, Karin, picked them up - thus forcing him into surrendering. This never succeeded, however, because Coetzee’s wife was always accompanied by somebody overseeing their safety.
 “I don’t know if the man had a death wish, but he always managed to put his foot in his mouth and blabbered on in the media about things, clearly not realising how many times he almost met his fate in a very bloody way,”  the former Vlakplaas operative said Thursday morning. He was the security branch officer instructed by Eugene de Kock and the police generals to silence Coetzee forever.
“The man was like a cat with nine lives,” he said, describing Coetzee’s ability to survive for so many years in such a hostile environment. “A lot of money was made available from the slush fund for his assassination.”
The source also added that he personally wrote Coetzee’s address on the booby trap parcel which was mailed to him in Lusaka. On the outside of the carefully wrapped parcel was written: “Evidence: Hit Squad”.
In May 1990 the booby trap – a Walkman cassette player with an explosive device contained in the headphones - was sent to Coetzee, but he never received the parcel. In February 1990, it was returned to the 'sender', Bheki Mlangeni, of the firm Cheadles, Thompson and Hayson.
Mlangeni opened the parcel, put the earphones on his head, and switched the Walkman on to listen to the alleged evidence of death squads on the cassette. The earphones exploded, blowing his brains to pieces. De Kock was later convicted for the murder of Mlangeni.
There was also a “specially prepared” bottle of expensive Roodeberg red wine laced with poison destined for Coetzee, but never successfully delivered to him, his former colleague and brothers in arms told Daily Maverick on Thursday.
And then there also was the much-publicised plot by another Vlakplaas colleague of his - and the attractive blonde military intelligence spy, who travelled to the UK in the early 1990’s with a bag full of money from the government’s slush fund. This was intended as downpayment to the Irish Ulster Loyalist to help with the assassination of Coetzee in London.
The couple were stopped as they passed through customs at Heathrow, detained and interrogated by British intelligence and thereafter unceremoniously bundled onto a plane back to South Africa. They were told they were both persona non grata in the UK from then on.
One of Coetzee’s former allies said: “Despite this, the man managed to pull through for so many years and died a natural death this week. He must’ve had some kind of guardian angel somewhere looking after him.” DM
Photo: Dirk Coetzee


DAILY MAVERICK


Jacques Pauw on Vlakplaas’ Apartheid assassin, Dirk Coetzee




MANDY DE WAAL  SOUTH AFRICA  08  MARCH 2013



Dirk Coetzee was the Apartheid's henchman, but also the man who told the unvarnished truth about the death squads. MANDY DE WAAL speaks to Jacques Pauw, the investigative journalist who broke the story about SA’s Apartheid death squads in the now-defunct Vrye Weekblad.
One of the most terrifying truths to emerge after Apartheid died was the story of Vlakplaas, a farm some 20 kilometres outside of Pretoria that served as the headquarters for a South African police death squad headed by Dirk Coetzee.

In his book Into the Heart of Darkness – Confessions of Apartheid’s Assassins, investigative journalist and author Jacques Pauw relays how Apartheid death squads each had their own special way of making bodies disappear. “Coetzee burnt the bodies to ashes on a fire of wood and tyres,” Pauw writes in his book.

But it is the manner in which this was done that made parents whose activist children were murdered, shake from haunting sobs at South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings. “They braaied my son while they drank and laughed,” one tortured mother told the amnesty-granting restorative justice system, which was set up to deal with Apartheid crimes.
In his book Pauw describes how ANC operative Vuyani Mavuso met his end at the hands of Coetzee and his team of assassins. First Coetzee tried to poison Muvaso, but when that didn’t work, the man was tortured for hours. “Mavuso must have known by then that he was going to die at the hands of his captors. Yet he never spoke or pleaded for mercy,” Pauw writes.
On the banks of the Komati River, near the Mozambique border, ‘knock-out drops’ were administered to Mavuso and it was only then that he fell unconscious. A policeman stood on the operative's neck and then pulled the trigger of a Makorov at close range. The operative was dead.

“In a dry ditch on the slightly elevated river bank, a shallow grave was dug with bushveld wood and tyres. The two corpses (Mavuso was murdered along with an askari called Peter Dlamini) were lifted onto the pyre and as the sun set over the Eastern Transvaal bushveld, two fires were lit, one to burn the bodies to ashes, the other for the security policemen to sit around, drinking and grilling meat,” Pauw writes in the book.

Dirk Coetzee told Pauw during the eighties: “Well, during the time we were drinking heavily, all of us, always, every day. It was just another job to be done. In the beginning it smells like a meat braai, in the end like the burning of bones. It takes about seven to nine hours to burn the bodies to ashes. We would have our own little braai and just keep on drinking.”

“Coetzee was never driven by remorse at all, and it is important to note that. There was no remorse for the people he had killed. In fact, Coetzee’s best years were at Vlakplaas. It was the highlight of his life,” Pauw tells Daily Maverick in a phone interview a day after Coetzee’s death from kidney failure.

“Dirk Coetzee always said to me that if he had stayed at Vlakplaas he would have killed more people than Eugene de Kock. There was no remorse,” Pauw says. Like Coetzee, Eugene de Kock was a ruthless killer for the Apartheid regime, earning the moniker ‘Prime Evil’. (De Kock took over the running of Vlakplaas after Coetzee was ousted in the early eighties.)

Later a disgruntled Coetzee would tell all about Vlakplaas and SA’s death squads, and Pauw would have the story that would launch his career. “I was very young when I first started to speak to Dirk Coetzee. I was 25 or even younger,” Pauw says of those first meetings with SA’s Apartheid assassin.

“I probably just listened to this man with my mouth wide open because I came from a fairly protected background in Pretoria with a headmaster as a father, and things like that. I remember thinking that I must string this man along for as long as possible - give him more booze and what have you so that I could get this story,” the investigative journalist says.

“Dirk Coetzee was very engaging and friendly, and he laughed a lot. But I have long learnt that people like Coetzee and De Kock don’t come with horns. The irony is that Coetzee and De Kock are like two peas in a pod. The one started Vlakplaas, and the other took it over. But they have completely different personalities.

“De Kock is a sour and sullen character, while Coetzee was very open and engaging. If you look at the two, Coetzee was clever enough to confess and make a deal. De Kock is silent and won’t talk, and look at what happened to the two in the end,” Pauw tells Daily Maverick. Coetzee and De Kock became sworn enemies after the founder of Vlakplaas revealed the existence of SA’s death squads. De Kock disclosed his crimes to the TRC, but wasn’t granted amnesty. In 1996 ‘Prime Evil’ was found guilty of 89 charges, including six of murder and two of conspiracy. He is currently incarcerated in Pretoria Central Prison.

Coetzee came clean seven years before De Kock. But how did Pauw and Coetzee get to meet? “When Dirk Coetzee was the commander at Vlakplaas, and now we are now talking about the early eighties, he was supposed to kidnap an ANC man from Swaziland. He botched the kidnapping and it became a diplomatic embarrassment for the SA government. Johan Coetzee was then the head of the security police and he transferred Dirk Coetzee to the dog unit. I remember that Dirk always said that he landed at the dog unit without a dog,” says Pauw.

Later, when Coetzee’s police career ended, and he started hanging out with a man being investigated for corruption and extortion, the Vlakplaas founder’s phone was tapped. Coetzee compiled a report about illegal phone tapping that the former death squad leader handed to Van Zyl Slabbert, who was a member of the opposition in Parliament at the time.

“That is how I first got to hear about Dirk Coetzee. My colleague Martin Welz (the editor of Noseweek) and I went to go and see Coetzee, and he started talking. By 1985 he was telling everyone about Vlakplaas. But no one would listen to him, no one wanted to believe Coetzee – God knows why. I think we got the Vlakplaas story because we were prepared to listen to him. As we started listening to him, he gave us more and more information,” Pauw says.

The young investigative journalist would meet with Coetzee and speak to him, then leave and cross check what the Vlakplaas founder had told him. “I would check out what he had told me by cross referencing the information with newspaper articles. I got hold of the inquest into the death of Griffiths Mxenge, and every time it was exactly as Dirk Coetzee had told me, so it was very clear that he was telling the truth.”

This was South Africa in the eighties, a period when anti-Apartheid activists were dying and nobody was ever arrested for their deaths. “Back then, of course, it wasn’t the kind of story that the mainstream newspapers would publish because there was a state of emergency. It was literally only when Vrye Weekblad was started that Max (du Preez) and myself decided that we had to publish the story,” Pauw says.

Vrye Weekblad was the legendary anti-Apartheid weekly Afrikaans newspaper formed by Du Preez, Pauw, a handful of hard-nosed journalists and a nervous banker in 1988. The Vlakplaas story was published in 1989, but only after Coetzee had been taken out of the country by the ANC, who gave him sanctuary on the condition that he told the truth about Vlakplaas. This project was managed by the ANC’s chief of police, Jacob Zuma.

“There was a time in the early nineties when I thought that Coetzee’s interaction with the ANC had really made a difference to him. He was talking…” Pauw breaks the conversation with a small chuckle. “It was very funny. Remember that he was never trusted by the ANC who were merely doing their part of a deal. It was not as if they ever liked Coetzee,” says Pauw.

“After Coetzee had spent some time with the ANC, he would speak a real ANC-type language. He would use all the phrases, calling the ANC people comrades and that sort of thing. After he came back to South Africa in the mid-nineties, he was very disillusioned because he believed in his own mad mind that he was going to become commissioner of police. He also said that this was something that Jacob Zuma promised him, but I really just can’t see it,” Pauw adds.

“Instead of becoming a commissioner or a very senior policeman, the ANC shipped him off to the national intelligence agency where he sat in the archives reading newspapers. He became very bitter again, this time against the ANC, because he thought that he had been shafted again,” he says.

“The last time I spoke to him, which was August last year, he was very bitter. He only had twenty percent of his kidney function. He said to me that he was finished. I think he died a very unhappy and very bitter man.”

How did Pauw react when he heard Coetzee had died? “I am not going to mourn Dirk Coetzee, but I sat down when I heard it and thought about the times we had together. To a certain extent he launched my career. I will be forever grateful to Coetzee for never lying to me. There wasn’t anything he told us that wasn’t true, and for that I will always respect him,” says Pauw.

The investigative journalist and author tells people that while it is easy to condemn Coetzee for who he was, the Apartheid assassin should also be recognised. “We need to acknowledge him for the role he played in bringing out the truth. If it wasn’t for Coetzee, De Kock would never have been exposed and a lot of activities would never have been revealed. In that sense we should acknowledge him.”

Dirk Coetzee was a man who told the terrible truth about SA’s death squads. But he was also the mastermind who helped create them and who set up Vlakplaas. As Coetzee himself told Pauw in the late eighties:
“I was the commander of the South African Police death squad. I was in the heart of the whore.” DM
Read more:
  • Vlakplaas and the murder of Griffiths Mxenge by Dirk Coetzee fromThe Hidden Hand: Covert Operations in South Africa, edited by Anthony Minnaar, Ian Liebenberg, and Charl Schutte.
Photo: Jacques Pauw, Dirk Coetzee



Comments by Sonny


If Hit SQUADS DID EXIST ITS NOT FOR US TO SPECULATE.

DIRK COETZEE, LIKE MOST OF HIS COLLEAGUES ONLY DID THEIR DUTY, WHICH THEY WERE CALLED UPON TO PERFORM.

HE WAS A MAN OF STEEL.

HE STOOD UP WHEN CALLED UPON TO DEFEND THE R.S.A.

HE WILL BE REMEMBERED AS ONE OF OUR OWN HEROES.

NELSON MANDELA AND THE ANC MK DECLARED WAR ON SOUTH AFRICA.

WE FOUGHT TERRORISM!!

IF WE WERE CALLED UPON TO DO IT AGAIN - WE WOULD!!














Friday, March 8, 2013

Absent Nathi Mthethwa's job is safe

No Fear, No Favour, No Accountability..........








08 MAR 2013 00:00 - PHILLIP DE WET



ANALYSIS: Never mind the police brutality fiasco, Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa is free to enjoy his honeymoon.





When Mido Macia died, Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa was on honeymoon. As the murdered Mozambican was mourned and former comrades called for Mthethwa's head, the minister remained on holiday. But though the beating the reputation of the police has taken will leave a mark on his career, it won't make for a mortal wound.
The Marikana massacre did not cost Mthethwa his job as police minister. Nor did the death of Andries Tatane in Ficksburg. So it came as little surprise when President Jacob Zuma this week rejected calls for his head to roll amid public outrage, and international incredulity, at the way police treated the taxi driver.
Mthethwa's job appears safe – even if the minister dangerously ignored public sentiment by not cutting his holiday short and even though, in addition to the human tragedy, the death of Macia represents election season ammunition that opposition parties are sure to use against Zuma and the ANC more broadly.
Mthethwa married high-powered businessperson Philisiwe Buthelezi shortly after Valentine's Day, and left for a honeymoon that staff would only confirm had taken him out of the country. Macia died about a week after the wedding. Mthethwa will remain on "special leave" until March 12 as planned, his office confirmed this week.
"Through legislation and resources the minister has capacitated those who police the police," said Mthethwa's spokesperson, Zweli Mnisi, when asked why the minister had not returned to the country to provide political leadership and reassurance to a nation in collective shock. "If he had been there on the day, how would he have stopped it? What could he have done?"
Since the video showing Macia being dragged behind a police van was first aired, Mnisi has largely acted as the public face of the police response, with occasional appearances by acting police minister Siyabonga Cwele (who continues to run state security at the same time) and a statement from Zuma's office.
This week, former intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils became the most prominent of those who have suggested Mthethwa should resign or be fired. Kasrils lost some currency with his former comrades after taking a strong stance against the secrecy Bill but, if anything, is a more trusted public figure for it.
"What Zuma needs to do to arrest this descent into police-state depravity is dismiss his minister and commissioner of police," Kasrils said in letter published in Business Day, adding that he had warned of increased police brutality in 2008.
Recent upsurge in police brutality
Those who deal with police excesses on a daily basis are convinced there has been an increase in the frequency of beatings and torture of late, though those are meted out in a workaday fashion rather than with greater brutality.
"We've seen some recent cases of very severe torture, where the cops virtually kill you and chop you up, but the kind we tend to see is a more moderate form," said Peter Jordi, who focuses on such cases at the Wits Law Clinic. "It's still torture and I can tell you I'm pleased it's not happening to me, but we more typically see smothering and those kinds of more sophisticated techniques."
The problem, according to Jordi and others who deal with victims on a regular basis, is that abuse at the hands of police is common, far more common than reflected in statistics, because complaints are often not laid.
There are plenty of theories on why police beat up citizens (and foreigners) with impunity: a brutalised society that never fully healed after apartheid; the high level of threat faced by police officers and their sense of being under siege; little proactive investigation of police excesses; remilitarisation of the police force that failed to instil discipline but did come with "shoot to kill" overtones; and orders to be tough on crime and criminals - orders that come right from the top.
However, regardless of cause or combination of causes, blame must ultimately be laid at the door of either Mthethwa or the president, who has failed to replace him after both have been in their jobs for more than four years. That he will remain in his job speaks both to the fact that the government does not share the public's outrage and to Zuma's collectivist approach to government.
"We view this as a collective effort," said Mnisi this week. "[Policing] is not about personalities. We need a system, not a face."
Since before his election to the ANC's top job, Zuma has stuck to a similar policy of collective decision-making. The implication is one of shared rather than personal responsibility.
That, and improved numbers, will in all probability keep Mthethwa in his job.
Statistics on police brutality verge on the meaningless, analysts say, because of everything from poor reporting to legitimate use of violence in subduing suspects. The most reliable statistics available – deaths at the hands of police – have shown an improvement in the past two years of reporting. During the same time, under Mthethwa’s watch, serious and contact crime has declined.


Mail & Guardian


Comments by Sonny


When you're in with the Boss, the career comes second.

MAKE LOVE NOT ENEMIES!

Now there will be two to push the SAPS budget up.

Drinks on the house at ZAR KZN BAR on Friday evening.........

Peter Jordi come around for a few drinks....

Thursday, March 7, 2013

Former Vlakplaas commander dies

No Fear, No Favour, just Facts.........





7 March 2013 8:49



Former Vakplaas commander Dirk Coetzee has died.
Coetzee reportedly died of kidney failure, but also had cancer, Eyewitness News reported today.
A co-founder and commander of the covert SA Police unit based at Vlakplaas, Coetzee and his colleagues were involved in a number of atrocities including the murders of Sizwe Khondile and Griffiths Mxenge.
He was granted amnesty by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission on August 4, 1997, but did not ever point out the site where Khondile was buried.
- Sapa

Wednesday, March 6, 2013

Henke Pistorius and the reality of crime in South Africa

No Fear, No Favour, Just the bare Facts.........



HENKE PISTORIUS, FATHER OF OSCAR PISTORIUS (GALLO)
















06 MAR 2013 06:00 - PHILLIP DE WET


Despite Henke Pistorius's claims, a study shows that the risk for crime is greater for the poor black township dweller than a rich white person.


Oscar Pistorius himself cited fear of crime to explain how he came to kill Reeva Steenkamp but it was his father who this week unleashed a political storm by bringing race to that claim.
"Some of the guns are for hunting and some are for protection, the hand guns," Henke Pistorius told Britain's Telegraph on Tuesday. "It speaks to the ANC government, look at white crime levels, why protection is so poor in this country, it's an aspect of our society."
The Pistorius family quickly sought to distance themselves from Pistorius's sentiments and the ANC reacted with anger. Outrage and condemnation rained down from far and wide. Except, perhaps, from the many white South Africans who share Henke Pistorius's belief that white people are under siege by crime and must arm and protect themselves against it.
It is a perception as common as it is wrong.
Thanks to administrative decisions to drop race from various forms, poor record-keeping and the lack of low-level crime data, it is extremely difficult to say how the impact of crime changed for white people between the end of apartheid and today. It is also, arguably, a useless comparison.
But comparing how crime affects black and white people is somewhat simpler, especially where the geographic lines that divide class still largely divide race. From those comparisons it is clear that the risk for rape, aggravated assault and robbery, as well as murder and attempted murder is considerably greater for the poor black township dweller than, say, a rich white person – and that includes an iconic Olympian and Paralympian.
According to the Institute for Security Studies, in the Boschkop area of Pretoria – where Pistorius's Silver Woods home is situated – there were 541 cases of serious assault in the past five years. Less than 10 minutes away, at one of the police stations that serves Mamelodi township, there were 2 840 similar cases reported.
In Brooklyn, the police district where Pistorius made his home after being released on bail, there were 55 murders reported over the last five years. On the other side of Pretoria, in Atteridgeville, there were 258.
Numbers indicative of race
The numbers are only indicative of race, ignoring black residents of upper-class areas and, by the same token, assuming no white people visit townships and experience crime there. But the trend holds true across police reporting districts, even where it initially seems not to.
"If you look at Milnerton in Cape Town you'll find the crime rate is high but that has both high-income areas and informal areas under it. The same is true of Honeydew [in Johannesburg]," says Lizette Lancaster, who manages the instute's crime hub.
Lancaster cautions that demographics can be hard to discern from police districts, which are still concentrated in formerly white areas, and which can serve vastly different numbers of residents. But data from other sources, which did not focus on race, showed the same discrepancy between white and black crime rates. One recent study by the Medical Research Council, drawing on reports from mortuaries rather than police statistics, found that more than 90% of gun homicide victims were black.
Black people make up slightly less than 80% of the total population.
But are white people disproportionately worried about crime, considering the high overall rate of crime and the very real danger they face?
Hard metrics on perceptions of crime among different race groups, such as spending on private security measures, are badly skewed by income and perception surveys tend to be based on small, urban surveys. A notable exception was the Victims of Crime Survey by Statistics South Africa, which was last published in September 2012 and utilised data from more than 34 000 individuals.
Those numbers showed white South Africans were very afraid indeed, far more so than those with more to fear.
White people 50% more afraid
Nearly half the white households surveyed said crime prevented them from going to parks or other open spaces. A little under a third of those surveyed said they avoided public transport due to crime and a quarter said they would not walk to shops.
Black families shared the same fears but to a much lesser extent. A comparison between black and white households implied that white people were between 50% and four times more afraid of crime than their black counterparts who lived in significantly more dangerous areas.
The same survey asked individuals whether they experienced various types of crime during the previous 12 months. Among black people, 2.1% reported they had been victim to robbery, assault or a sexual attack. For white people the percentage was just a hair over 1.4%.
Statistically, Oscar Pistorius may have a legitimate claim to fear of crime. But if he shares his father's sentiment that he should be afraid because he is white, then he has got it all wrong.

Mail & Guardian



Comments by Sonny

One should remember that Whites in SA are a minority group - 8/1 in relations to the indigenous Blacks who are the majority on record.

That's excluding the illegal black population who refused to complete the shaky 2011 Censorship Statistics.

Race has been taken out of crime statistics with a purpose.

To hide the truth.

Under the Fire Arm Control Act 60/2000 all 'competent SA citizens WITHOUT CRIMINAL RECORDS' are allowed to own the maximum of four fire arms if they so desire.

One fire arm for self defence and the other three, being a shotgun, rifle and handgun of choice used for occasional sports shooting or SPORTS hunting.

There are stringent rules in place to qualify as a Dedicated Sport-Shooter or Dedicated Hunter.

One has to belong to an SAPS (CFP) Accredited Hunting Association 1300050 or  SAPS (CFP) Accredited Sports-Shooting Association 1300088.

Dedicated Status is assessed on an Annual basis.

Then, and only then, can one acquire more than four fire arms in South Africa.

There are more lost/stolen State and Criminal fire arms in South Africa which are used for organised crime!

The demographics are based on Crime and not Race!

The author of this original article PHILLIP DE WET should have studied the correct facts before reporting on this "Important" subject.

All unprotected Citizens of South Africa fall prey to Serious and Violent Crime!

Why do the ANC government need so much protection in South Africa?

BECAUSE THEY ARE AFRAID OF THEIR OWN MEMBERS AND OPPOSITION!

THE PRESIDENT IS A GOOD EXAMPLE OF THE "FEAR SYNDROME IN SOUTH AFRICA!"

INSTEAD OF PRAYING FOR DEMOCRACY HE RATHER SINGS ABOUT KILLING THE "WHITES!"

PHILLIP DE WET HOW MANY FIRE ARMS DO YOU OWN?

Or do you also depend on body guards for your sefety?

Has this survey been audited - Victims of Crime Survey by Statistics South Africa.








Tuesday, March 5, 2013

SIU head appointment imminent - Radebe


SIU head appointment imminent - Radebe



Justice Minister Jeff Radebe speaks during a government media briefing on 14 September 2012.
Picture : GCIS
Stephen Grootes | 3 hours ago

JOHANNESBURG - Justice Minister Jeff Radebe on Tuesday said a new Special Investigating Unit (SIU) head will be appointed imminently.

Previously, the minister claimed that the unit would get a new permanent head by the end of February.

The unit has been without a permanent boss for the last 14 months.

Speaking before Parliament's Portfolio Committee on Justice in Cape Town, Radebe said he was certain than an appointment was imminent.

He would not give any more details.

In August 2012, Radebe used the exact same phrase when questioned on the issue.

He claimed the SIU would get a new permanent head imminently, but that did not happen.

The final decision on who will head the organisation is up to President Jacob Zuma.

He has not explained the delay.

Legal expert boost for Breytenbach

Legal expert boost for Breytenbach
2013-03-05 18:10



Glynnis Breytenbach (Picture: Beeld)
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Pretoria - A prosecutor is entitled to seek the legal assistance of an outside counsel, an expert told the disciplinary hearing of suspended NPA prosecutor Glynnis Breytenbach on Tuesday.

This was the testimony of former national deputy director of public prosecutions Jan D’Oliveira.

He told the hearing in Pretoria a prosecutor may seek the help of a lawyer who had expertise in a particular field.

"There is no prohibition on an outside counsel assisting the prosecutor, for example by giving the prosecutor questions to put [across] in court," said D’Oliveira.

"If that [outside] counsel tenders assistance, one can accept it if it is helpful, proper and does not dictate to the prosecutor. I am saying the prosecutor must dictate that."

D'Oliveira was replying to questioning from prosecutor Mandla Zulu, for the National Prosecuting Authority.

"So you are saying the prosecutor must decide whether he or she wants the assistance of that [outside] counsel? You are saying if the prosecutor wants help and it’s readily available it doesn’t matter who is offering [to help]?" Zulu asked.

D’Oliveira responded: "If it's in an investigation the investigator takes that decision [to consult], maybe on the advice of the prosecutor.

"If it comes to the prosecutor, why not ask a specialist so that we can get justice moving?

"If you have been in practice as most of us have been, you know your counsel very quickly. If one studies documents and policies, there is not one word saying prohibiting the use of outside counsel."

NPA advocate William Mkhari interjected: "Neither is there a word saying allowing."

D’Oliveira said if the NPA had wanted to prohibit prosecutors from seeking "outside assistance", it should have laid down clear rules.

"One has to look at facts and rules, if there are no rules how can you say a person is responsible for something? It depends on integrity and good sense. If this hearing does not look at rules then I don't know."

D'Oliveira has been an advocate for more than 40 years.

Complaint

The NPA suspended Breytenbach last year. It charged that mining company Imperial Crown Trading had complained about her handling of a criminal case against them, and that she was too close to criminal lawyer Mike Hellens.

Hellens was on a brief for Kumba Iron Ore Limited, also accused of a crime in the ICT case. Both corporate entities were vying for a stake in Kumba's Sishen mine in the Northern Cape.

Breytenbach told the hearing in January she had known Hellens for 25 years and that they had social interactions.

She defended her asking Hellens to help draft search and seizure warrants.

"I asked Hellens to help us with the actual drafting, putting words on paper, because he is much better than I and certainly much better than [police officer Colonel Sandra] Van Wyk."

In January, Hellens told the hearing it was not unusual for complex commercial investigations to be prepared by private investigators and lawyers, then handed to police as a "ready-made" case.

"There is an entire industry out there that does it," he said.

Hellens said he had helped Breytenbach draw up drafts of search warrants, and Van Wyk draw up a "stern" letter to ICT's lawyers when they felt they were being strung along.

He said the case was complicated and "even Glynnis" probably needed it explained at first.

The ICT/Kumba case dated back to the days of Iscor, which was then South Africa's iron and steel producer, he said.

Breytenbach contends she was suspended for not wanting the fraud charges against former police crime intelligence head Lieutenant General Richard Mdluli withdrawn.

The hearing resumes at the NPA's headquarters in Silverton, east of Pretoria, on 6 May.

A parallel arbitration hearing, where Breytenbach is fighting to get her job back, resumes in the Public Service Bargaining Council chambers, Centurion, on Friday.

- SAPA
Read more on: npa | glynnis breytenbach | richard mdluli


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Breytenbach calls final witness




Glynnis Breytenbach testifies at her disciplinary hearing.
Mandy Wiener

( EWN Richard Mdluli.

SILVERTON - Prosecutor Glynnis Breytenbach on Tuesday finished testifying in her disciplinary hearing by calling an expert witness to testify about processes and procedures at the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA).

Former deputy national director and provincial attorney general Jan D'Oliveira testified on her behalf.

Breytenbach was suspended in April for her alleged handling of a mining rights case.

The NPA accused her of showing bias by allowing a complainants advocate to assist her with drawing up affidavits for a search warrant.

The senior prosecutor claims she was suspended to prevent her from prosecuting policeman Richard Mdluli.

Veteran prosecutor Jan D'Oliviera said it was standard practice for outside counsel to get involved.

“An investigating officer can ask whoever he or she wishes for assistance and there is no limit on who they can ask.”
The NPA's advocate William Mokhari said D'Oliveira’s view "could not be true".

Breytenbach closed her case and final arguments will be heard in May.