Thursday, July 31, 2014

‘Spy tapes’: Zuma fears DA

No Fear No Favours No Zuma..........

July 31 2014 at 01:36pm 

Bloemfontein - President Jacob Zuma wants to keep his communications with the NPA in the so-called spy tapes case secret because the DA could use them against him, his lawyers argue.
In papers filed at the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA), Zuma argues his vigilance in the matter is because the Democratic Alliance is the entity seeking disclosure.
Zuma is appealing against a High Court in Pretoria decision, ordering acting National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) head Nomgcobo Jiba to hand over a copy of certain tapes. The matter will be heard in the SCA on August 15.
The tapes, transcripts, and other documents relate to a decision the NPA took in 2009 to drop corruption charges against Zuma.
In papers filed as part of the appeal, Zuma maintains his representations to the NPA were made on a confidential basis.
Zuma contends that as president, political leader, and member of the African National Congress, he would be the DA's natural target.
He argues that denigrating him or using certain information to his detriment would advance the DA's political cause.
The DA in response would ask the SCA to decide whether the High Court order forcing Jiba to give a copy of the tapes to the court registrar was appealable.
The high court held, in granting leave to appeal its order, that the parties had different interpretations of the order. The matter required the SCA to decide on the final interpretations, the court said. - Sapa

IOL News


The man who introduced corruption into SA politics and Parliament?
Blessed by his ancestors!

Wednesday, July 30, 2014

Krecjir Interpol files stolen

Krecjir Interpol files stolen

30 July 2014 at 08:06 by Sapa

- Five laptops possibly containing sensitive information, including data on investigations into Radovan Krejcir, have been stolen from Interpol's Pretoria offices, The Sowetan reported on Wednesday.

Five laptops possibly containing sensitive information, including data on investigations into Radovan Krejcir, have been stolen from Interpol's Pretoria offices, The Sowetan reported on Wednesday.

Investigators indicated one of the laptops stolen belonged to an officer who was involved in George Louca's extradition to South Africa from Cyprus, the newspaper reported.

Other possible information on the laptops included secret witness lists and information linked to investigations into international crime syndicates.

The burglary happened over the weekend, with Interpol using offices seconded to them by police.

The thefts first took place on Saturday, with burglars returning again on Sunday.

It was believed the thieves had access cards and key codes to gain entry into the offices and building. The offices were being used by three colonels and two captains.

Lt-Gen Solomon Makgale confirmed to the newspaper the thefts had taken place, but would not confirm sensitive information had been compromised.

"We don't want to get ahead of ourselves. We are busy with investigations," he said.

No arrests had been made.

Krejcir and five others are on trial facing charges of kidnapping, attempted murder, and dealing in drugs.

Louka, a Cypriot national, is accused of killing Teazers strip club boss Lolly Jackson.

Tuesday, July 29, 2014

Only 23 682 trained detectives in SAPS - Dianne Kohler Barnard

Dianne Kohler Barnard
29 July 2014

DA MP notes that only 43% of the cases reported to SAPS make it to court often due to problems in evidence, and poor handling of crime scene

SAPS needs more detectives to fight crime

28 July 2014

A reply to a DA parliamentary question has revealed that there are only 23 682 trained detectives in the South African Police Service (SAPS). However, in the recent budget briefings, the number of detectives (less support staff) was given as 25 771. This therefore raises questions over the number of untrained detectives in particular. Either way, this number is simply not enough to address South Africa's massive crime crisis, which has seen violent crime once again on the increase, and the murder rate rise again to 45 per day.

According to the DA's policy proposals, we would ensure that an additional 7 818 detectives are brought into the SAPS, to bring detective numbers to 31 500.

The DA will submit parliamentary questions to determine the current vacancy rate for detectives; the number of dockets on each detective's desk; whether a plan exists to increase the number of detectives, and a budget made available for this; and whether continued training is made available for those who remain in the employ of the SAPS.

Well-trained and resourced detectives are essential to ensuring that all crimes are properly investigated and that a successful court-ready docket presents a strong case against the accused.

Currently, the conviction rate as a proportion of the cases reported to SAPS sits at a mere 14 % as of 2011/12 according to the SAIRR.

Importantly, only 43% of the cases reported to SAPS make it to court. This is often attributed to problems in evidence, and poor handling of the crime scene, often being attributed to cases being thrown out of court.

The Minister and Police Commissioner would do well to spend their R73 billion budget on employing and training more detectives as opposed to wasting R45 212 787.50 of public money on "accommodation and meals" in one year alone.

Indeed, the DA recently revealed that R 153 322 610.10 has been noted by the Department as irregular, fruitless and wasteful expenditure between 2009 to 2014. This is money that would have been better spent on providing a well-trained and professional service.

The DA will continue to urge the Minister of Police, Nathi Nhleko, to prioritise the hiring and training of more detectives to ensure that our criminal justice system works optimally.

Only when we do this, will we see a real impact on our unacceptably high crime rates.

Statement issued by Dianne Kohler Barnard MP, DA Shadow Minister of Police, July 29 2014

Monday, July 28, 2014

25% cops failed gun test

25% cops failed gun test

July 28 2014 at 08:06am
By Babalo Ndenze and Xolani Koyana


Over 25% of cops required to carry a firearm are not competent to do so, says Police Minister Nkosinathi Nhleko. File Photo: Antoine de Ras
Cape Town - Nearly a quarter of the police officers required to carry a firearm are not competent to do so because they failed the test, says Police Minister Nkosinathi Nhleko.

Also, more than 900 officers - 281 from the Western Cape - were charged in the past four years with helping detainees escape, he said in response to questions from the national and provincial legislatures.

By July 14, only 116 201 of 155 534 SAPS members met the standards to carry a firearm, he told DA MP Dianne Kohler- Barnard in a written reply.

Kohler-Barnard said this meant that 39 333 or 25.3 percent of operational SAPS officers did not have the competency to carry a firearm.

“This confirms a 2012 leaked performance audit which revealed that 27 000 police officers had failed their firearms proficiency test. It is of great concern that not all our police service members have the necessary training to perform their jobs to the best of their ability. This not only puts them in danger, but it may also result in harm to members of the public when they perform their duties.”

It might also be contributing to the “trigger-happy” firing of weapons, which was “increasingly becoming a trend in our SAPS”, Kohler-Barnard said.

From 2009 to 2011 alone, the number of allegations of police brutality increased by 91 percent, she said.

“The minister of police, Nathi Nhleko, must take urgent steps to address the lack of training that is making police officers a potential danger to the citizens they are tasked with protecting.”

Nhleko’s spokesman Musa Zondi on Sunday said he was unable to give details of why some officers had failed the firearms test and what measures would be put in place to correct this. “I will need to get the details from the police.”

Nhleko said that national police commissioner Riah Phiyega was not required to carry a firearm because she was “classified as management”.

Kohler-Barnard said the DA would submit further parliamentary questions to seek clarity on the status of the officers who do not possess firearms “or possess firearms without the requisite clearance”, and the measures put in place to correct the problem.

In a written-reply to a question from DA MPL Mireille Wenger in the Western Cape, Nhleko said 907 officers had been charged with helping detainees escape from 2010 until last year.

Of them, 516 had been found guilty in disciplinary hearings.

More than a quarter - 281 - were from the Western Cape. Nearly 60 percent of these were found guilty, but only two were dismissed.

Wenger said this was “cause for concern”.

In the province, 162 officers were found guilty, but only two were dismissed. Of these, 133 received written or verbal warnings, while the rest were fined, suspended or received counselling.

“The consequences appear to be far too lenient. Aiding an escaper is tantamount to defeating the ends of justice and is a serious matter,” Wenger said.

She would take this further.

Wenger, who is also chairwoman of the standing committee on community safety, said the number of officers committing crimes was alarming.

It was even more worrying that they were being kept on in the service. She would investigate how many of those found guilty in disciplinary hearings had been criminally charged, Wenger said.

Cape Times

Related Stories
SA cops scared to use guns
Police training in spotlight

More than a 10th of police cannot shoot

10th of police cannot shoot

Written by defenceWeb, from the Sunday Times ( Going back to the year 2012 )

More than 27 000 police officers on active duty have failed the firearms proficiency test - making them a danger to their colleagues and the public. This is according to a draft performance audit report by the SAPS internal audit unit dated December 14 2011.

The audit was conducted to assess the quality of training provided to police officers. Yet, despite this, many still carry official service weapons, the Sunday Times reported yesterday. According to the report, 27 329 (or 17%) of the 157 704 police officers who underwent training to comply with the regulations of the Firearms Control Act, which took effect in 2004, failed firearms proficiency tests. A further 55 429 members still have to be trained in accordance with the new legislation.

There are 213 133 operational members, including 59 955 active reservists, in the SAPS [South African Police Service]. The firearms test which the policemen failed is similar to that which ordinary citizens have to pass in order to obtain a firearm licence.

Acting national police chief Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi appeared taken aback by the report Saturday, saying it would be unfair to comment on something he had not seen or heard of.
He said detailed questions should be submitted to his communications department. But the department has refused to provide detailed comment to questions submitted two weeks ago. "If there's that number not competent, then, in terms of the law, they can't carry weapons," Mkhwanazi said. Mkhwanazi admitted that not all police officers had undergone firearms training in compliance with the new act.

Asked what action would be taken against those who were carrying firearms although they were declared not competent, he said: "I would charge the commander. I would want to know from the provincial commissioner why he [the member] was allowed to carry a firearm." Findings in the 40-page report, based on an audit on training in the police force, included:
- A total of 7578 of the 16 123 operational members in the Eastern Cape have not yet been trained; and,
- 448 of the 1019 police members who failed firearms proficiency tests in the Western Cape were declared "untrainable" because of medical reasons or as a result of being declared unfit to possess a firearm. The definition "untrainable", a policeman told the Sunday Times, is also used for those who cannot even pick up a rifle or continually fail to hit a target during shooting practice.

The Safety and Security Sector Education and Training Authority (SASSETA) - the body tasked with issuing "learner achievement" certificates to members of the SAPS who pass proficiency tests - confirmed that only 3570 certificates were awarded since 2010. The revelations come in the wake of the fatal shooting of Soweto teenager Thato Mokoka on February 14, allegedly by student constable Sipho Mbatha. It has since come to light that Mbatha had been declared unstable and unfit to carry a firearm. Mbatha is in police custody and will appear in court again on March 16. He allegedly had his R5 rifle in full automatic mode when shots were discharged, hitting Mokoka three times, the Sunday Times reported.

The audit report stated that one of the effects of having members who were "not yet competent" in handling weapons was that "they are placed on operational duties with a firearm they cannot use properly". "This fact is a very high risk for the lives of fellow colleagues, as well as members of the community." It added: "The fact that members cannot utilise their firearms with confidence could lead to an increase in police killings."

The majority of those who failed the tests, according to the report, were operational members "who were supposed to carry their official firearms on a daily basis". The audit team said despite "ample legislation" indicating what was expected of the police's top management, "there are still no proper policies and procedures in place regarding the competency issue of Police Act members [those on operational duty]."

Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa's spokesman, Zweli Mnisi, would not comment, as he said the issues were of an "operational nature".

The opposition Democratic Alliance's Dianne Kohler Barnard says those who have failed the firearms proficiency test, pose “a clear and present danger to the citizens they are mandated to protect.” The DA shadow minister of police adds “SAPS members should not be endangering the lives of others and adding to the problem by carrying guns when they are clearly not fit to do so.”

She would like both Minister of Police Nathi Mthethwa and Acting National Police Commissioner Mkhwanazi to account to Parliament and outline the action they will be taking “to ensure that the SAPS does not violate its own constitutional responsibility to protect and secure South Africa citizens.”

SAPS urged to shoot dangerous criminals - report

SAPS urged to shoot dangerous criminals - report

Cele said 'shoot to kill' - journalist
Man hands himself in after killing cop
Female cop killed in shoot-out

Johannesburg - Eastern Cape police have been urged to shoot criminals who pose a danger to police officers, the New Age newspaper reported on Monday.

"You must shoot when your life is in danger of criminals. We cannot always have funerals of police killed by criminals," deputy police commissioner Major general Zamuthango Mki was quoted as saying.

Mki was speaking at the funeral of Sergeant Thembile Gulwa at Ngcwazi village, in Ngqamakhwe, on Saturday.

Gulwa was shot dead in an incident involving seven people in Kinkelbos, Port Elizabeth, in February, the newspaper reported.

A 37-year-old man was arrested for Gulwa's murder. Six other people are still at large.

Mki told community members to stop protecting criminals.

"When you do that, you are contributing to the increase of crime in your areas," he reportedly told the newspaper.

In 2009, former national police commissioner Bheki Cele said that he wanted the law changed to allow police to "shoot to kill" criminals without worrying about "what happens after that".

Parliament approved the criminal procedure amendment bill in 2012.

It provides guidelines on when and how deadly force may be used to carry out an arrest.

Read more on: port elizabeth

Boetman is die bliksem in......

Godless Heathen

Boetman is die bliksem in

28 July 2014, 12:35

Back in 2009 when I blogged on Mweb, Chris Louw committed suicide and his letter Boetman is die bliksem in was read by many, I was reminded of this letter by Brollox and Bittergal, who I knew under a different alias back then, I am sure but not certain.
Boerseun is that you?

I translated Chris Louw's article back then because there were many that did not understand Afrikaans, I went looking for it on Saturday but my English translation is lost to mankind. I am posting a translation of Chris's letter here. Chris said the words that many of us that survived grensdiens, the rooi gevaar and the swart gevaar wished we could. Sleep peacefully Boetman.
I have made a few notes and the words that I translated, as there is no real English translation that has the power of the Afrikaans word or phrase, in parenthesis.
Afrikaans is a beautifully expressive language and that is why the English in South Africa use words like lekker, gatvol and the curse words that have no equal. My translation loses some of it's flavour because the vernacular is beautiful in it's original language. I want to thank my beloved M for helping with the translation.
"Dear dr. De Klerk
At first I wondered why I read your book "Afrikaners: kroes kras and kordaat" with such resistance, not complete loathing, take note resistance.
My generation was brought up to keep our emotions in check, and not to give in to any longing, not love nor hate.
We were taught to be seen and not heard, to do as told without backchat, to show respect for our elders, To, at the drop of a hat, be prepared to sacrifice our lives for our country and the greater cause. I am talking about white Afrikaner men between 30 and 50, the guy's who were branded by National Service.
(I am English and I was brought up with the same constraints, Chris thought he was talking for Afrikaner men, but he spoke for English men as well)
Let me phrase it diplomatically, your book smells of dishonesty, the dishonesty of excusing prior misdeeds.
Primarily your book was not written for children, those that must push out their new branches from their Afrikaner roots.
Your book was written for an aged man, somewhere in the seventies with wrinkles on the face and grey hair on the temples, a conservative pair of specs on the nose to create the impression of someone with status, someone with insight, whose judgement can be trusted, whose words carry weight.
I remember when you were the Editor of Die Transvaler. You most likely will not remember me, I was the lad that you greeted in the halls with "Dag Boetman", Then I was Boetman, twenty years later I am a middle aged white Afrikaner man.
My generation was taught from the cradle to play with words, words that seldom had the meanings seen in the dictionary. Think about concepts like "democracy", "nationalism", "self government", "independent states", even the noun that my friends were sent to the border for, and some were never to return, "South Africa".
The "South Africa" of your words, The "South Africa" that you promised loyalty to, was something totally different, something a lot whiter, than the South Africa that we together, black and white, praise in our painful new anthem.
We learned this from your generation, this ability with words, your generation thought up the concepts, my generation lived them. Because we were trained not to be openly rebellious, "yes dad, no dad, three bags full dad"
Your generation was the first and probably the last in Afrikaner history that never attended a war, too young for the second freedom war, too young for the first world war and too German Neutral for the second world war, too deep in thought and wonder about state orders and planning of other constellations and seeking justification for the border war.
(My dad was too young for the second world war but eagerly sent his sons off to war)
You were the first generation that conscripted your children and sent them to die for you.
Those that did not want to defend your crazy dreams with weapons that you issued were sent to jail or even worse declared insane. Those that even then called the system too crazy for words were declared schizophrenic and unfit for military duty.
And you? Where were you, You withdrew into your dusky office and minted resounding phrases and judgemental words like your famed new creations; enlightend (verligtes) and unenlightened. (verkramptes)
In reality there is another group of Afrikaners, The "addicted" (Die verknogtes), as in "addicted to power" or rather addicted to back stabbing (knoei). The dictionary definition of knoei is "untidy, unfinished work done, fraudulent and underhanded methods of doing things, using dishonest methods.

Enlightened, Unenlightened, Addicted (Verlig, verkramp, verknog.)
My Dad always said : Verwoerd, Confused, Arrogant (Verwoerd, verward, verwaand.)
Did you know when you "Dag Boetman"ed me in the Halls of Perskor, I was a married man, a father of two, just shy of thirty, with bond payments to make, Did you know that my peers, the shut-up-dad-has-spoken-generation were in Angola to shoot the k*k out of terrs? Do you know how the Terrs shot the k*k out of us?
But you were too busy thinking about new meanings for seperate development, too busy giving new meaning, moral and intellectual content to seperate development, You had to keep yourself busy with State Philosophical issues like the continual expansion of democracy that had to find favour in the stunning tricameral parliament.
Do you know that when I was the News editor of "Die Vaderland" I was called up for a military camp in Richards bay?

Do you know how this well known and important citizen served his country? I cleaned toilets (k*kpotte) in the army, That was my daily instruction.
I am not complaining, I am just one more generation of generations of Afrikaners that went to war for the survival of his people.
Cleaning Toilets in the camp at Richards Bay. When the captain heard he had a well known member of his community, he was ashamed and took pity on me.
So I was appointed to clean the office of his secretary, I was after all a senior journalist at a leading pro NP newspaper. I even decided what Afrikaners read, what was newsworthy and what was absolute k*k.
I was a trustworthy catalyst. I was after all a product of Christian National education, a succesful creation of groups like your "broederbond"
You, the product of a generation that let every war go by like the poisoned chalice (bitter beker). The generation that took the weight on their shoulders to mold their children by hand into tin soldiers that had to go to the border and fight, to kill and be killed for your ideals.
We got medals, yes Honoris Crux pinned on, post mortem in some cases with the strong and trusted hands of PW Botha.
We learned to live ironically, my generation, we couldn't do otherwise, we had to, to survive.
Shut your trap, listen when you get spoken too, put your head in the effing scrum, It's not an antheap, bend over, why is your hair so long, lets bow our heads and thank God for all our blessings, The K*ffirs are getting much too white, children must be seen and not heard, you are a effing sleg troep, do you understand? You will follow orders, we will solve the political problems ....
You never tasted that humiliation, not you or your generation, you merely created the stuation for it. You even phrase it better than I can - The herd instinct and tendency to bow down to authority make us followers of leaders in many areas.
How beautifully you play with the nouns "us: and "them" when you refer to the Afrikaner, everything to place distance between the subject and the verb, "I" nicely finds shelter behind the abstract "us" and "them" and "Afrikaners" as if the camoflaged "me" was never present, no need for self pity or to say I am bitterly (tot die dood toe) sorry.
Then your big opportunity arose, your hour of truth. To meet the ANC face to face on the battlefield of the conference table. For years the young ones held the enemy at bay, Now the childrens games were over, now you would take up arms, you were ready, Your words were honed by many years of practice.
All your biggest plans were unmasked in mere months at the multiparty negotiations in Kempton Park, Where were your seven point plans, your 5 point strategies, your guarantees for minorities, when you met representatives from the whole country? Where was your bravado, the threats, the rousing speeches, the promises? I was there, it was pathetic to see your arguments and your arrogance ripped from beneath you.
Now we sit with questions, Apartheid is dead, the time for grieving is over. There is reformation and transformation.
A new state is being ordered with snapping fingers. Come come "Boertjie" Move your arse, The servant has ordered his own state. Stand to attention, don't talk back, your days are over. It's your duty to help the new order to arise. You must hand over your skills to the new black elite, that's how you justify your existence.
Who is the you that is being referred to? The addicted? No their nests are feathered, the addicted made a historic about-turn, without missing one goose step as Breyten Breytenbach put it.
The elite of the old order fell over their duck feet to make peace and alliances with the elite of the new order. They visit one another and discuss high, reconciliatory ideas like state affirmation strategies, a new patriotism, paying homage to the new order.
Phil Molefe, the SABC's News boss, tells the human rights commission that transformation in the upper echelons of the management sector has successfully concluded, the problem lies in mid level management where white men are still kicking against transformation.
I am a white man. What is your definition of transformation Mr Molefe? Is it expected of me to transform out of my post? Must I willingly and courteously live out your African dream, because that is the way I was raised? What is it you expect of me? Oh, I may not have an opinion. Thank you Mr Molefe, that's really easy Mr Molefe, because that is how I was raised Dr De Klerk.
Who is the "you" like in "Hey you effing soldiers, Move your arses, the "you" that must now bring the sacrifices to the new South Africa? Is it not those poor bastards that fought the Afrikaner elites doomed war on the border and in the townships that once again has to pay the piper?
A Psychiatrist wrote in a letter to Beeld that a large part of my generation suffers from spiritual weariness. In many cases it takes the symptoms of psychiatric maladies like depression, PTSD and other anxiety disorders. A general reaction of grief, loss and an existential crisis.
The syndrome has to do with a loss of respect for the previous patriarchy. It has to do with predicting one thing and doing another, with truth and lies, with honesty and holier than thou attitudes (skynheilig) amd with communication rather than language.
"Despite all the discussions, we are a nation with rights, fame, achievement and a brave history" This, Dr DeKlerk, is what you wrote on page 99.
It was either Nat Nakasa or Can Themba, I don't remember, that once said, no matter how tightly he closes his eyes, he can't imagine a South Africa without white people, how impossible that would be.
Do you know when I close my eyes and I wish your generation out of Afrikaner history, then I don't see a nation of heroes, but only down to earth, real people with whom I can identify, people built by the conflict of the oppressed, from that old pedophile Jan Pieterzoon van Kaspel ter Mare that landed in the Cape in 1659 and battled lions and the Dutch Officials till he had a prize farm named Louwsvliet where the current Newlands is, to Louis Trichardt that rode to meet his death at Lourenco Marques, A stubborn and hard headed man without vanity, in his diary not one self righteous entry referring to the Bible or even the mysteriousness of God, The never say die General Christiaan de Wet, even Louis Botha and Jan Smuts that were prepared to fight and die for their beliefs.
Do you know how easy it is for me to close my eyes and imagine your whole generation of patriarchal, know it all, race obsessed thugs out of my history.
What is the greatest achievement of your generation, the generation that never smelt blood, never heard whistling bullets and felt the anxiety of battle, just the creators of big ideas and life philosophies? I admit my subjectivity, but didn't you expend all your energies to lead the world and your children by the nose?
Wasn't your greatest achievement the amount of dogmatic horse manure you successfully sold to us as moral fruits?
You have tough and bitter things to say in your tract, words you drop humbly, but why the abstract? Why "us" and "The Afrikaner"; Why not "I"; integrally part of the master race prophecies?
You write "It is absolutely true that the Afrikaner youth in large numbers are suspicious of being Afrikaans. Why? Why not a simple sentence that admits, I, I was personally, energetically and purposefully with the inhuman abberation called Apartheid?
The irony is that, intellectually, I agree with so much you wrote, but it does not dispel the rage. I am the "bliksem in" (totally beyond p*ssed off), raging at the arrogance, the self justification, the rationalisation, the denials and the lies.
If we follow your advice, we can survive, yes. But if we follow your advice now, we will be exactly where we would have been if your generation did not defraud us with apartheid, and what's more we would not be saddled with your guilt.
Like always we are at the feet of the masters. We get slapped on the ears. Because the new generation of know it alls is a generation that has rejected us, along with the patriarchy that we portray. In a single lifetime we have been transformed from shut up, stand to attention and do what the uncle says to middle aged white Afrikaner men that suffer from power loss syndrome. The result is the same "Shut your trap, you have nothing to say!"
Excuse me Corporal, but f*ck you, Excuse me Dr De Klerk. Excuse me, Mr Molefe, Excuse me, Excuse me, my fellow citizens, I have sinned against you. Excuse me, Sonja Loots, your generation are the real children of apartheid, you are still young and innocent, the real victims, I am an old sinner, polluted with gun oil, the sweat of the parade ground, the blood of black children.
Excuse me, I have no moral right to open my trap, I have never had that right, How dare I do it now?
What remains for me? I am too old to be totally innocent, I am too young to be completely involved, I am too innocent to make apologies, I am too guilty to wash my hands.
I am gatvol, completely, to the brim, gatvol of taking orders. First the apartheid's patriarchy, now from the reformed Pontius Pilate patriarchy and the new black elite.
Already the judgemental reigns are being taken over by young white feminists with a sharp eye for a power gap, the new class of oppressed, with the historically disadvantaged, black men, especially black women, the disabled, HIV infected ...
Shut your gob middle aged white Afrikaner man, Attention! listen when I speak, You have f*ck all to say.
I am sorry, I am very sorry, but I have been cheated enough. Now I fight for what is important to me, inside democracy, sure.
But not neccesarily with the prescribed and outspoken and the politically correct and the idiotic masses.

Respectfully Yours
Chris Louw "
I would have said some things differently, I probably would have used harsher language but Chris spoke for me at the time. Looking back we trusted our leaders to ensure that our children would not be victimised for something they had no part in, We went to the gallows willingly, we voted YES and we were discarded like old toilet paper and flushed. Even worse is that our children are being punished for the sins of their fathers and their fathers before them.
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Saturday, July 26, 2014

Over nine hundred police charged for aiding escapees, but only 40 fired

Over nine hundred police charged for aiding escapees, but only 40 fired
Saturday, 26 July 2014 12:10

More than 900 police officers were charged in the past three years for helping with escapes, but only 40 of them have been fired, according to Police Minister Nkosinathi Nhleko.
In a written reply to a parliamentary question, he said 907 police officers had been charged with “aiding an escapee” during the 2010/11, 2011/12 and 2012/13 financial years.
Of the 907 charged, 288 were found not guilty, 516 were found guilty and 103 of the cases were withdrawn. Of the 516 found guilty, only 40 were dismissed.
According to the reply, 231 police officers were fined, or counselled (10), or issued with a verbal warning (14), or a written warning (93), or a final written warning (70), or suspended without pay (six), or received a suspended sanction (63) or suspended dismissal (111).
The question was posed by Democratic Alliance MP Dianne Kohler Barnard, who criticised what she described as a “complete lack of accountability” in the service for crimes committed by police.

“It is indeed outrageous that aiding escapees, a crime that undermines our criminal justice system in the most fundamental way, has led to virtually no consequences for those involved.” The DA is to call for a full investigation into the matter by Parliament’s police portfolio committee.

This short report is at City Press
The DA’s press statement is at Politicsweb

Friday, July 25, 2014

'Winnie Mandela Province' and an independent Afrikaner state: The politics of exclusion in the 'new' South Africa

NO Fear No Favour no Winnie Mandela......

Rebecca Davis

This week, an Afrikaner lobby group announced that they had received a commitment from government to enter into talks about the possibility of an Afrikaner state. In Cape Town, meanwhile, a human rights organization has launched a campaign to merge the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape into one mass they want to call “Winnie Mandela Province”. While neither initiative may have a great chance of success, both cases reflect a distinct sense of exclusion from the political mainstream in different ways. By REBECCA DAVIS.

Andries Breytenbach, the chairman of the Boer-Afrikaner Volksraad (BAV), says it’s quite simple.
Germans want to be governed by Germans. Japanese people want to be governed by Japanese.”
And Afrikaners want to be governed by Afrikaners.
It is for this reason that the BAV is lobbying government for the right to establish an autonomous Afrikaner state.
It’s not a new thing for us,” Breytenbach points out. “The Voortrekkers left the Cape in 1834 to establish their own republics, and became full players in the international world.” It’s not that they specifically object to being governed by a black government, he says. 200 years of white British rule left them just as resentful.
Mandela met with Afrikaners on this issue. Mbeki met with Afrikaners on this issue. An Afrikaner volkstaat remains a pipe dream, though a 2010Beeld survey found that 56% of respondents would move to a volkstaat if it were created. In 2011, President Jacob Zuma quashed the notion in aBeeld interview, saying: “You can’t create an Orania, you must be part of South Africa and share in what we all share.”
In the same interview, Zuma acknowledged an understanding on the part of Afrikaners for a place where they felt most at home. For him, he said, Nkandla was such a place.
This is what some Afrikaners need on a psychological level,” Zuma said. “An Nkandla.”
For the likes of Andries Breytenbach, a psychological homeland won’t cut it. He admits that initially they may have to start with something more modest, “a territory with limited autonomy”. But the end goal is an independent Afrikaner state.
Breytenbach says they’re still considering different options for the location of such a state. “It may not be in just one area, but two or three. Because the Afrikaner is spread all over. One might be around Pretoria, another in the Northern Cape.”
Farmable land would be a must, but he stresses that the state would also require normal infrastructure. They will “canvas for investment” to ensure vibrant industry. The state would maintain friendly diplomatic ties to South Africa. “The same as Namibia currently has, or Swaziland, or Lesotho,” Breytenbach suggests.
The BAV approached the Gauteng High Court to try to compel the government to enter into negotiations on the matter of “territorial self-determination for the Boer-Afrikaner people”, but the legal route proved unnecessary. The presidency has confirmed that arrangements are being made for a meeting with the BAV, possibly to take place next month.
Breytenbach thinks that the reason the BAV has a better chance of success than previous Afrikaners campaigning on this matter is its trump card: it is an elected body. In September 2011, the BAV held an election “among the Afrikaner people” – 36,000, he says, voting at 140 points throughout the country – and a “Boer Assembly” of 9 people was elected. (None are women.)
Breytenbach talks about Afrikaners as if both their culture and language is endangered. “It’s impossible for us as a nation to continue to exist where we are outnumbered,” he says. “We are 6% of the total population.”
When he says ‘Afrikaners’, of course, he doesn’t mean “people who speak Afrikaans”, since the latest census results show that the majority of Afrikaans-speakers in South Africa are now black or coloured. Would Afrikaans speakers who are not white be welcome in his state?
The Afrikaner is a white nation,” he begins. “Whoever governs the state at that time will make laws which can determine who will be there.”
He stresses that Afrikaner identity is not just about language. “Language is but one factor. We know what an Afrikaner is. We are the descendants of Western Europeans who came here. We share a history, heritage, our vision of ourselves. There are Afrikaans-speakers who do not define themselves as Afrikaners.”
It seems strange, given his beliefs, that Breytenbach does not live in Orania, the whites-only Afrikaner enclave in the Northern Cape. Or not so strange: “I live in Kleinfontein,” he says. Ah: the Orania of Pretoria, against the existence of which the DA Youth protested last year.
Many scholars are in consensus that the right to self-determination by ethnic groups should only apply when they are the victims of grave human rights abuses by the ruling government. Afrikaner figures, like singer Steve Hofmeyr, have argued vocally over the past few years that Afrikaners are, indeed, subject to such violations. But it doesn’t seem a card that Breytenbach is particularly interested in playing.
Human rights abuses do occur against us but that’s not the reason,” he says. “The South African Constitution does not reflect our deepest spiritual values, our culture, our norms. We want a Christian Constitution.”
Someone who isn’t remotely persuaded by Breytenbach’s arguments is Lotta Mayana, the chairperson of a Cape Town-based human rights organization called Sobahlangula. “People calling for [an independent Afrikaner state] don’t want to reconcile with the rest of us,” Mayana says. “They should be able to integrate.”
But Mayana is plotting a re-drawing of South Africa’s internal boundaries of his own, albeit in a very different way. Sobahlangula this week launched a campaign for the amalgamation of the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape into a single province, to be known as 'Winnie Mandela Province'.
Like the BAV, they have history on their side – in the sense that what was formerly the Cape Province was divided into the three provinces in 1994, with bits also absorbed into the North West province. If their campaign for re-amalgamation were to succeed, the new province would be by far the biggest in the country.
The idea for the campaign came out of the commission of inquiry into the Lwandle evictions, where Mayana gave a brief oral submission calling for the rights of Lwandle residents to be restored.
What became clear is that the City is not giving services to people they deem not to belong in this province,” Mayana told the Daily Maverick. “That’s why they’ve labelled them as ‘refugees’.” (He was referring to Western Cape Premier Helen Zille’s 2012 description of Eastern Cape pupils who flocked to the Western Cape for better education as “refugees”.)
In order for us to not make this province exclusive, to share skills and budget, we need to merge provinces,” Mayana said. “But instead of the Cape Province, we make it Winnie Mandela Province.”
Sobahlangula wants Winnie Mandela’s name on the province partly because “it’s time that we honour women” and partly because “she is someone who understands. Someone who knows where we come from, what agendas we need to achieve, that we are looking for economic freedom.”
Mayana’s vision of how the merge of the provinces would lead to greater employment prospects and industry is a little hazy, to say the least. He says what was formerly the Northern Cape can focus on solar energy, whereas the Western Cape will install wind turbines. The land of the former Eastern Cape will be used for agricultural purposes, while all livestock operations will move to the former Northern Cape. Minerals produced within the Northern Cape won’t have to be moved elsewhere for beneficiation.
Oh – and elephants will be farmed in Northern Cape so that their bits can be sold off to China. “There’s big demand,” Mayana says.
Mayana is earnest and likeable in conversation. As I discover later, Sobahlangula’s press statement on the matter is less likeable, railing against “the Jews who are in control of this province”. It’s unclear how seriously he expects the proposal to be actually taken, though he says the organization is circulating a petition in the Western Cape which is being enthusiastically signed.
If it’s a gimmick, though, it’s a gimmick designed to highlight one serious point: the sense of exclusion which Sobahlangula says is felt by the Western Cape’s poorest residents. To them, the organization says, Cape Town is a city where elites “live lavish Hollywood lifestyles at the expense of the poor”.
Black people in the Western Cape, they say, “are segregated from the non-black population: there are separate schools, shopping malls and hospitals for blacks and white people and the services available are based on the colour of your skin”.
In a sense what Sobahlangula is asking is the opposite to the BAV: an end to this kind of segregation, as opposed to its formalization. The BAV wants to be left alone; Sobahlangula wants to move from the margins to the centre. But what both these very different groups are voicing is a profound sense of alienation. Neither feel their needs are being met in the current political and geographical status quo. Government may well chuck both proposals in the rubbish bin, but those feelings aren’t likely to just disappear. DM
Photo: Sobahlangula’s press statement included a colourful map of the future 'Winnie Mandela Province'.

Daily Maverick






Wednesday, July 23, 2014

Morale is at rock-bottom in the SAPS - Dianne Kohler Barnard

Morale is at rock-bottom in the SAPS - Dianne Kohler Barnard
Dianne Kohler Barnard
21 July 2014

DA MP says political appointments, secretaries, drivers, lovers and relatives of various bigwigs being bounced up the ranks

Speech by Dianne Kohler Barnard, DA Shadow Minister of Police in the Police Budget Vote, Parliament, July 21 2014

Minister Nhleko must fix the shambles he inherited

21 July 2014

Chairperson currently our SAPS is to our citizenry what Germany was to Brazil in the FIFA World Cup. They are not beating us, they are burying us.

As such I am deeply grateful that we have a new Minister - and equally so that we have a new Chairperson.

This new Minister has inherited a shambles - with R150-million in fruitless and wasteful expenditure being just the tip of the iceberg that threatens to sink the whole ship.

As for the previous Minister, I trust he has more luck with ballet than he had with bullets - and that he quickly works out that a grand jete doesn't refer to another fun-filled, taxpayer-funded private airline trip. Thankfully with a cut in budget from R73-billion down to R3-billion he'll have a lot less loose loot to squander.

Chair, I must commend this new Minister for allowing the questions I put to him to be answered in full - no sarcasm, and complete disclosure made a welcome change, but I can't but wonder how it is we come to find him in this exalted position. I looked at his slim CV, and it took me a while to dig out some background information. He seems, from what I have seen, to have left school somewhere in Standard 9, has no further education - yet he mysteriously ended up as the DG for Labour.

I do know he had a shot at being an Acting-Municipal manager until they found he had no relevant qualifications, but it all came together when I saw that he was appointed the Regional Commissioner of Correctional Services KZN who then advocated for the parole of No 1's financial advisor and benefactor, Schabir Shaik, on dubious medical grounds.

Yes, this is the very man who signed off on the release of the never-been-ill-a-day-in-his-life, golf playing, whisky swilling close friend to the President.

It was after that, that this Minister was suddenly deemed suitably qualified to be a DG, and today earns a Minister's salary.

This Minister has inherited an entity which on the books looks effective. But I could take him by the hand to 153 stations without toilets, running water, electricity - or all three; to stations where the rain pours through the roof; or those with few working vehicles, or plenty of vehicles and no driver's licences; to stations where the police members round up cattle and demand a fee from the local subsistence farmers for their release.

I could show him where to source some of the money to renovate a station or two, starting with the man who was the first non-police political appointment to National Police Commissioner, Jackie Selebi.

We are still feeling the effect of his disastrous term, and what he did to the SAPS and to our reputation abroad is immeasurable. As for the money: according to Treasury Regulations 12.7.1 and 2 he should have started paying the taxpayers the over R17-million 30 days after he lost his appeal. Yet it's been three years, and we've not seen a cent.

R17-million could pay the salaries of over 200 constables for a year. It could pay for more officers on the streets, or to provide vehicles at stations, or bullet proof vests where there are none, or provide much needed crime-fighting resources to those men and women whom he embarrassed. Or even build a station so that our members aren't found working from their cars as they're locked out once again because the Department of Public Works has forgotten to renew the lease.

Or perhaps the money could be used to help the SAPS Air Wing, as more than half is sitting gathering dust, with six of the aircraft grounded since before December 2012 - probably the Robinson R44s bought for the World Cup but never used.

I have asked over and over about this matter, but the NPC has seemingly done nothing.

The cynicism of the South African public in terms of our SAPS began around the time that Jacki Selebi was sentenced to 15 years after being found guilty of corruption, spent just 229 days in a hospital ward, and was released because he was on the verge of death.

He wasn't. Schabir Shaik wasn't either - and he's seen playing golf and dining out regularly in Durban.

Then of course I could show the new Minister what destruction was wreaked in the SAPS by the now Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Bheki Cele.

I welcomed his sacking as National Police Commissioner on the 12th June 2012 after the Public Protector found his actions were, "improper, unlawful, and amounted to maladministration". The Molio Police Board of Inquiry recommended that criminal charges be considered as he was guilty of gross misconduct.

So - we laid charges, yet now he's a colleague of yours on the Ministerial benches, and the SAPS has somehow in the past two years found it impossible to investigate the charges we laid against him in this regard. The Minister will find a question from me in his In Box about this matter.

I could show this new Minister footage of Andries Tetane being murdered as SAPS members shot him at blank range - on TV - live - or Mido Macia being dragged off to his death.

But I could equally take this Minister to pearls of perfection scattered about the country, where the police are admired and supported by the locals who in turn are cared for by them in the way in which we thought Police should work when we changed them from a Force into a Service.

They have managed to hold onto that which we admire in the SAPS, despite the second fired NPC militarising the entire structure just so that he could be called a General.

I must point out that this title of General is one he bizarrely demands to be called still today when he was stripped of both the title and everything that went with it when he was fired.

He isn't a General, and has no right to use that title. Even in the New Age newspaper.

I could tell the Minister the tale of Richard Mdluli and his suspension, and the suspension of the next acting head of CI once he pressed charges against the current NPC and her close confidant the PPC of the WC after she was allegedly recorded warning him he was under investigation.

The latest head of the IPID is investigating this very matter and as such I have every confidence it will be swept under the carpet.

There are only two original members of the PPC left, and along with her I voted for the current chair when he took over as the head of the ICD - now the IPID. I do trust the man and I'm sure one day the truth of why he resigned on the day of the Marikana Massacre will emerge.

That Massacre, and who will be the scapegoat for it, has been much in the news and I'm sure the lessons the new Minister will learn from the commission as we all watch the former Minister wriggle like a fish on a hook trying with all his might to justify his actions while convincing his accusers that he is in no way to blame, will guide him when he lays awake at night wondering which way to jump.

By now the new Minister will have learned that we have 1448 convicted criminals in the SAPS - one of them is a Major General, 10 Brigadiers, 21 Colonels, 10 Majors, 43 Lt-Colonels, 163 Captains, 84 Lieutenants, 716 Warrant Officers, 267 Sergeant, 129 Constables and four staff. So nearly all of them have been promoted up the ranks, despite their being, on the whole, murderers and rapists. Most of them work in the Eastern Cape - but 64 of them work in the SAPS Head Office.

There are probably many more criminals in the ranks, as the audit was inexplicably stopped at the end of 2010.

Chairperson, it seems having finally admitted to this criminality, it would have been easy to simply apply the SAPS Act and boot them out, but the NPC and her staff blundered the affair so the Unions could stop the firing of this evil bunch of criminals in our midst.

I could introduce the new Minister to outstanding police in every single province - police who would take a bullet for either of us - but equally I could point out the fault lines, where the failings are - many relentlessly highlighted in the committee report.

Chair I could explain to the new Minister how South Africans don't believe a word of what is said during the annual Release of the Crime Stats Circus ...especially as the figures were fiddled so amateurishly last year by his predecessor.

The sad truth is that there are thousands of disillusioned SAPS members who have achieved extraordinary things, yet have never been promoted. The logical and progressive career paths have been overgrown by liberal doses of politically generated fertilizer.

Experienced SAPS members are today instructed to mentor 20 year olds, who are then promoted over their heads, and for whom they must still do the job, grit their teeth and salute. Morale is at rock-bottom, and while this Minister's new Department was scoffing R45-million on meals and swanning about in 5-star hotels, comfortable in the reality that their children, lovers and relatives were being bounced up the ranks regardless of their lack of qualifications, our people were dying in increased numbers. 45 murdered each day.

Indeed while I give this speech 3 people will be murdered, and 25 women raped - and the chances of their killers and rapists being apprehended, successfully prosecuted and incarcerated are miniscule because so few cases make it to court, and so often the cases presented are so weak they're laughed out the door.

Sadly this Minister has yet to learn of his SAPS members who are so poorly trained that they wreck crime scenes, fail to collect evidence, destroy evidence or sell it.

It may pay the new Minister to ask why it is that in Gauteng 70 officers have been dismissed recently for corruption, attempted murder, armed robbery, defeating the ends of justice and assault. And why 173 more were fired in KZN. And they aren't part of the infamous 1448. They are fresh new criminals.

The question, of course, to ask is: How on earth did they get into the SAPS in the first place?

Needless to say our SAPS needs a comprehensive turnaround strategy. It cannot go on as before, with political appointments, secretaries, drivers, lovers and relatives of various bigwigs being bounced up the ranks to senior positions over the heads of those who have earned the positions through backbreaking hard work.

Chair, this Minister's predecessor shoved through poor, unconstitutional legislation such as the Hawks Bill - rejected now for the third time by the courts - and the xenophobic PSIRA Amendment Bill - which allows for the expropriation of entire Private Security companies which have a head office elsewhere.

There are huge concerns that provisions that limit foreign ownership of private security companies under the World Trade Organisation General Agreement on Trade in Services are being breached.

The DA believes that this Bill will constitute an unlawful expropriation under section 25 of the Constitution and may also place the government in breach of its obligations under the SA-UK bilateral treaty and the other 45 bilateral investment treaties.

Even if the President decides that SA doesn't need to be bogged down in the Constitutional Court and international arbitral tribunals, it is quite obvious that the same aim is being achieved through the Home Affairs Immigration regulations - which ensure any permanent resident working in any sector of the private security industry will not be allowed back should he or she pop to Mauritius for a holiday. Neat trick.

I could tell the new Minister that there were zero dismissals in relation to the 13 000 lost SAPS firearms; that R96-million was spent to send cops to South Sudan and Darfur; of the multi-million rand AVL SAPS car-tracking system contract lapsing because the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries signed the renewal three days after it expired; of our reservists - turned away from SAPS doors since 2008 and now treated like trash via the new regulations; that 20% of detectives are without the most basic of training; that just 3.3% of cops are trained in sexual offences; that there are 27 000 cops with firearms, but no licences; 16 594 cops without driver's licences and as many cops with licences but no vehicles.

This Minister must know that there are heroes in the SAPS - members who put their lives on the line for us members of the public on a daily basis.

But equally there are those who use the position to rob and rape and that the balance between the good and the bad has begun to tilt towards the bad.

The plan to integrate the CJS has been spoken about for a decade, and the most the SAPS have been able to do is fail at scanning and sending dockets to court.

I have no option but to hope that now that the Empty Suit has sailed off into the sunset of his career, this new Minister will prove to be more substantial.

Unfortunately the new Minister has inherited no clear plan on how to tackle the main issue of police brutality and while I have my reservations about his appointment I trust his history of abusing his powers to the benefit of the President and his friends will be left behind him as he steps into a fresh new day.

Issued by the DA, July 21 2014

Monday, July 21, 2014


No fear No Favour No Traitors in our midst......

11:00  21 July 2013 (South Africa)  Sonny Cox


Eugene de Kock slaan terug in briewe uit die tronk: ‘Luister nou, generaal, onthou u die keer toe...’

2014-07-19 22:50

Generaal Johan van der Merwe
"Genl. Van der Merwe, my boodskap aan u is, om die ontslape skrywer Christoffel Coetzee aan te haal uit sy boek Op soek na ­Generaal Mannetjies Mentz: ‘Ek is nie weg nie, generaal, ek is nog net nie terug nie!’ ”
Dit is die woorde van kol. ­Eugene de Kock aan dié voormalige polisiekommissaris ná dié se ope brief die afgelope week waarin Van der Merwe sê daar is geen bewyse van enige aard dat enige destydse SAP-generaal geïmpliseer is in enige van die moorde waaraan De Kock skuldig bevind is nie.
In ’n brief aan Rapport skryf De Kock:
“U deel nie die publiek mee dat genl. ***********ten tyde van die Maponya-voorval reeds ’n senior vol kolonel was en later die nasionale hoof van die veiligheidspolisie se inspektoraat geword het nie.
“Ek, daarteen, was ’n junior kaptein wat in daardie stadium onder kol. ********* se bevel gedien het,” skryf De Kock.
“Niemand moet die indruk kry of dink dat ek aanspreeklikheid ontken of enige optredes en die gevolge daarvan probeer ontduik nie.”
De Kock skryf hoekom daar volgens hom geen getuienis is van hoëvlak-aandadigheid nie:
“Tydens die verskeie kommissies, en veral die Harms-kommissie, het generaal (toe nog brigadier)***********  alle verklarings opgestel. Ons moes net teken.
“Die polisie kon dit nie waag dat ons self verklarings opstel nie. Eiseregisters, reis- en verblyfregisters, dokumente soos veiligheidsverslae en elke moontlike bewys is opgespoor en verwyder of vernietig.
“Só wis ons alle rekords en bewysstukke uit om ons self te vrywaar.
“En dan later, met ironie wat dodelike gevolge het vir jouself, het jy self geen bewysstukke om jou eie saak te staaf nie.”
De Kock skryf: “Om te dink dat ek, omdat ek die minste geag is voor die verandering van regering, en daarna so prominent die sondebok moes word van die ou bestel, soveel geweet het.
“Hoeveel te meer weet u en die ander dan nie, generaal!
“Ek is gebruik om jou en al die ander soos jy se tuimel van ’n baie hoë hoogte te breek.”
De Kock gee dan ’n paar gevalle om Van der Merwe se “geheue te verfris”:

1. ‘LSD-eksperimente’
* “In 1979-’80 besoek u Koevoet se paar lede in Oshakati in die destydse Suidwes-Afrika. ***** sit aan die hoof van die tafel, die senior persoon in beheer van die gesprek.
“Sy Afrikaans is pragtig, suiwer en duidelik. Hy vertel ons hoe hy self met die  verbode LSD op van die gevangenes in veiligheidspolisie-aanhouding eksperimenteer.
“Om hulle te laat praat en inligting te laat gee.
“En reg oorkant my kyk ek na ’n kantoor met kaste en kaste vol blikkiesvleis wat met dubbel-dosisse tallium behandel is; net reg vir aanwending indien nodig.”

2. ’n Plofstof-krisis
* De Kock skryf die Oos-Rand-veiligheidstak “neem die ondervraging van ’n Inkatha-lid te ver” en hy sterf.
“Ek word genader vir hulp. Ek gee raad én verskaf Oosblok-vervaardigde springstof en ontstekers.
“Maar die poging om die toneel na sabotasie of poging tot terreur te laat lyk, loop heeltemal skeef weens die lede se gebrek aan ondervinding met springstof.
“Dit lei tot ’n krisis wat die veiligheidstak-lede gaan ontbloot. Ek nader genl. **********. Hy reël dat genl. ********** die springstof-toneel besoek, ondersoek en hanteer. Die saak word so ‘reggetrek’. Alles is reg. Probleem opgelos.”

3. Die ‘tube’-probleem

 “Laat een aand kry ek ’n oproep van kapt. **********, bevelvoerder van die veiligheidstak op**********. ‘Heeelp!!!’ gil hy oor die foon. ‘Ons het ’n man vermoor.’ Ek stuur twee ­lede van seksie C.1 om hulp te verleen. Ons is goed vir die vuilwerk! Die **********- veiligheidstak-vermoorde, Sweet Sambo, verdwyn.
“Hy is met die ‘tube’-metode vermoor. Die binneband word oor die mond en neus getrek.
“Suurstof-ontneming lewer, met enkele uitsonderings, al die gewenste inligting op.
“Genl. ********** is nie beskikbaar nie, en ek lig kol. ********** in wat op sy beurt genl.********** inlig.
“Hulle vlieg summier met die veiligheidstak-helikopter na die Skwamaans-polisiebasis naby Komatipoort op die pad na die dorpie Naas.
“Daar moet opgeruim word en ‘skoongemaak’ word.
“Kol. ******* lig my die volgende oggend in dat hulle nog die binneband met speeksel, slym en bloed aan op die toneel gekry het, sowel as ander bewysstukke.
“Geen vervolgings vind plaas nie. En die laaste keer wat ek met oud-kapt. ****** gepraat het, was hy baie tevrede met homself.”

4. ‘Toe trap hy op sy kop'

 De Kock vertel van ’n voorval in die destydse Wes-Transvaal waarin “drie of vier” mense doodgeskiet is.
“Lt. ********** loop na (die) gewonde, bejaarde man. Hy trap sy kop onder in ’n poel water vas en bly op sy kop staan totdat hy verdrink. Hierdie persone het geen wapens gehad nie, nog geen misdaad gepleeg nie.
“Maar die drie afgedeelde blanke lede van die seksie se vaders was almal baie senior lede van die S.A. Polisie se veiligheidstakke. Generaal, brigadier.
“Die ondersoek-beampte van die Pretoria moord-en-roof vind ernstige ongerymdhede en stel dit só in sy verslag. Maar genl. ********* ‘trek’ die saak reg. Alles is in die haak. Geen probleme nie. Hierdie groep manne van u word ook nie vervolg nie.”
De Kock sluit af:
“Ek wou nooit daar gaan en daardie kissie van Pandora oopmaak nie. Maar laat ek daardie kruis dan ook vir myself baie, baie ligter maak. U verplig my nou, na aanleiding van u aanhoudende druk, om daaroor te skryf. Ek gaan so maak, volledig en duidelik.”

Eugene A. de Kock (Gevangene 94616105)

* Name is op regsadvies verwyder. Lees ook die briewe in Weekliks (Jou beurt).

* Lees ook De Kock se brief aan Jacques Pauw.


Eugene de Kock: ‘Ek het Japie nié doodgeslaan met ’n graaf nie!’

2014-07-19 22:50

Hy skryf aan Jacques Pauw:

Om nie u berig in Rapport verlede Sondag, asook die verklaring van genl. Johan van der Merwe, reg te stel nie sal beteken ek aanvaar onomwonde alles wat geskryf is.

Ek sal dus só beoordeel word, die leuen word dus die waarheid!

Ek is nie afgekeur vir taakmagopleiding vanweë my sig nie. Ek is uitgenooi om die eerste taakmag-groep daar te stel en die kursus by te woon.
Ek was reeds ’n lid van die informele groep wat later die taakmag sou word. In 1976 moes ek terselfdertyd gaan vir ’n offisierskursus. Ek het die offisierskursus gekies.
Ek het teen daardie tyd reeds al valskermspronge gedoen, met en sonder ’n bril.
U konsentreer nou al jare lank daarop dat ek ’n hakkelaar was en is.
Ek sal dit bly. U hamer daarop omdat dit so ’n erg gestigmatiseerde, sosiaal-pynlik, skaam, kwellende en teisterende gebrek is.
Dit is goed so. Hou so aan. Maar dit leer wel mense wat soos ek ’n spraakgebrek het eén ding: Ons sien en hoor meer omdat ons nie praat nie of gesprekke vermy. En met ons geheue skort daar niks!
Die naam “Prime Evil” het ek nog nooit gehad nie! Ek was nooit so bekend onder my eie lede of kollegas nie. Ook nie onder die gewapende magte of die publiek nie.
Dis ’n naam wat ú my gegee het. En u het dit klaarblyklik gekry by ’n goeie vriend van u wat toe al ernstige probleme gehad het met sy “crack”-kokaïen-deurweekte brein.
U is reg. Japie Maponya is dood. En hy ís vermoor. Ek het Japie Maponya nie met ’n graaf doodgeslaan nie! Ek het die familie by die hof gesien ten tye van hul getuienis én vir ’n geruime tyd by die Waarheid-en-versoeningskommissie (WVK) waar dié geval stap vir stap, oomblik vir oomblik, uitgepluis is.
Ek het begrip daarvoor dat die Maponya-familie nie tevrede gaan wees of ooit sál wees nie. Geen familie kan ooit weer vrede of gemoedsrus hê ná so ’n voorval nie.
Japie Maponya is deur sers. Willem Albertus Nortjé doodgeskiet. Hy het ’n 9 mm-Parabellum-Berreta-pistool styf teen sy linkerslaap gedruk en die sneller getrek. Die koeël én die aandryfmiddel se gasse (verbrande en onverbrande kruit), het deur sy brein getrek. Kant tot kant.
Dít, mnr. Pauw, is die feite. U het hierdie feite tot u beskikking gehad. U het die hofverhoor bygewoon en ook die WVK. U het ook, volgens my inligting, al my lêers [oorspronklikes] én die oorspronklike hofdossiere ontvang.
Sers. Nortjé se beloning vir hierdie moorddaad was sy bevordering tot direkteur (gelykstaande aan die rang van brigadier) in die nasionale intelligensiediens van die huidige regeringsbestel.
Die Maponyas het niks!
Met salaris, subsidies en byvoordele word dir. Nortjé met ongeveer een miljoen rand per jaar vergoed.
Dit gaan goed met die Nortjés!
Nortjé en sy kollega, ******** was in Jozini, Noord-Natal, werksaam. Ek het hulle soontoe gestuur sodat ons kon begin voorberei vir plattelandse oorlogvoering, in besonder berg-oorlogvoering.
Ek self het teen die Botswana-grens begin werk. Met dáárdie ontplooiing was daar ’n geheul tussen kapt. *** **van seksie C.2 Hoofkantoor, verantwoordelik vir die identifisering, ondervraging en werwing van terroriste, en kapt. ******van Krugersdorp se veiligheidspolisie. 
Sonder my medewete of toestemming het kapt. *****my werkspan van Jozini na Krugersdorp herontplooi. Ek word nie ingelig nie.
Kapt. ***** was soms voorsitter van Trewits, die Teen-revolusionêre Inligting-teikensentrum. Dít het bestaan uit lede van die veiligheidspolisie, asook militêre en nasionale intelligensie.
Dit was die eerste van drie vlakke waar besluit is wie word doodgeskiet, ontvoer of wie bly leef. En selde, indien ooit, is hierdie komitee se aanbevelings afgekeur.
Die volgende twee vlakke was die KIK (Koördinerende Inligtingskomitee) en dan die staatsveiligheidsraad. Ná goedkeuring van so ’n optrede of operasie, word besluit aan watter groep of eenheid die taak opgedra sal word. Kapt. ***** word goed beloon vir sy dienste en word as ’n generaal aangestel in die nuwe bestel. Sy voordele oortref dié van ******.
Dit gaan goed met die ******!
Seksie C.1, waarvan ek bevelvoerder was, was gemoeid met teen-terrorisme; die skerp, onaangename, vuil en gevaarlike kant van operasies en was ook getaak met oorgrens-operasies.
Dié groepe het onder bevel gewerk van die bevelvoerder van die veiligheidstak van enige streek en slegs dié se take uitgevoer. Die enkele blankes by elke swart groep het as skakel-personeel opgetree tussen die veiligheidstaklede en die streeksbevelvoerder.
Hulle het hul opdragte van die streeks­bevel­voerder gekry of offisier wat deur hom aangewys is, en slegs leiding geneem in gevegte tussen terroriste en die veiligheidspolisie.
Dit gaan goed met die *****!

Dit was vir doodsekerte

De Kock het in Julie 1999 tydens sy amnestie-aansoek voor die WVK getuig dat hy Japie Maponya twee keer met ’n graaf oor die kop geslaan het nadat Willie Nortjé hom geskiet het. “Dit was standaardpraktyk om seker te maak mense was dood nadat hulle geskiet is,” het De Kock gesê.

Volgens Jacques Pauw het die veroordeelde polisie-moordenaar Ferdi Barnard die naam “Prime Evil” aan De Kock gegee. “Barnard het self daarvan vertel in die dokumentêr Prime Evil wat ek in 1996 gemaak het,” sê Pauw.


How could de Klerk not know of Third Force? — ANC

Wednesday, March 30, 1994 - 10:00
By Norm Dixon
JOHANNESBURG — The African National Congress has called on the National Party government and its leader, F.W. de Klerk, to come clean about its knowledge of the criminal political activities planned and committed by the most senior officers of the South African Police (SAP) in league with the KwaZulu Police (KZP) and the Inkatha Freedom Party. The charges include large scale gun-running, murder and fomenting random violence on trains and in townships.
"The question that all South Africans should ask themselves is did President de Klerk and [law and order] minister [Hernus] Kriel in fact know about the activities of senior members of the police — in fact how could they not have known?", the ANC demanded.
On March 18, Justice Richard Goldstone released an interim report revealing that the SAP's top commanders instigated political violence that has claimed the lives of more than 15,000 people since 1989. The report is based on information supplied by a security police officer identified only as "Q".
The ANC said that the report proved "the existence of a sinister conspiracy committed to the destabilisation of the country and the subversion of the transition to democracy. It confirms the charge the ANC has made many times that there exists a Third Force engaged in murder and other criminal activities in pursuit of anti-democratic aims."
Goldstone revealed that the SAP's Unit C1 — later renamed C10 — was under the control of Colonel Eugene de Kock from 1989 until he left the SAP last year. Overall command of the unit's operations was in the hands of the SAP's second highest officer, deputy commissioner Lieutenant General Basie Smit, and the SAP's head of counter-intelligence, Major General Krappies Engelbrecht. Another high-ranking cop, Lieutenant General Johan le Roux, was directly involved in the operations.
The Goldstone Commission found evidence that Unit C10 was involved in:
  • The manufacture of guns at secret premises near Pretoria, which were then distributed to Inkatha leaders in the PWV region. Acting as intermediary between C10 and Inkatha was Dries "Brood" van Heerden, chief of security for Amalgamated Banks of South Africa, one of the country's major banks. It is alleged that van Heerden employed only Inkatha Freedom Party members as security guards in ABSA banks throughout Johannesburg, and that they were a virtual private army.
  • The distribution of AK-47s, grenades and rocket launchers from the former Koevoet unit in Namibia and from Mozambique to Inkatha leaders. The report recounted that Inkatha Transvaal leader Themba Khoza was arrested at a roadblock while driving to a hostel in Sebokeng in 1990 after AK-47s were found in his car's boot. Unit C10 arranged for his bail and legal fees to be paid. Khoza was acquitted.
  • De Kock and a member of the SAP's security branch, Willem Coetzee, acting on orders from Basie Smit and Krappies Engelbrecht, orchestrated random train violence in the PWV. Askaris (Umkhonto we Sizwe fighters "turned" by the police) and van Heerden's ABSA/Inkatha hit men, armed by C10, entered trains to hack and shoot people between stations. The intention was to ignite conflict between township residents and IFP-aligned hostel dwellers.
  • After his retirement, de Kock continued to supply arms to Inkatha in collaboration with the SAP via an arms company, Honeybadger Arms and Ammunition. De Kock, whose nickname is "Prime Evil", has been linked to the violent or suspicious deaths of at least 13 liberation movement activists during the 1980s.
  • Former KwaZulu police commissioner Major General Jack Buchner was deeply involved in the gun-running network. The commission revealed his unsavoury background. He was in the Rhodesian army in the 1960s, then joined the SAP security branch, where he was in charge of the work of askaris. While he was head of the security police in Natal from 1987 to 1989, there was a huge surge in political violence and many allegations of police complicity with the IFP. He became KwaZulu Police Commissioner in 1990 and retired in 1992.
  • Inkatha members were trained in the use of firearms and grenades. The commission said there was "convincing" evidence that the KwaZulu Police "have been and still are involved in hit squad activities in Natal and the Transvaal". A subcommittee of the commission found that many of the KZP members involved had been trained by South African security forces in unconventional warfare in Namibia's Caprivi Strip in 1986.
  • The subcommittee found that South Africa's top police officer, Police Commissioner General Johan van der Merwe, twice blocked investigations of allegations of police misconduct in Natal.
  • Upon learning that the commission was investigating Unit C10's activities, Major General Krappies Engelbrecht ordered the destruction of all documents and files related to involvement with the IFP. He also ordered that unit operatives "obtain any information which could be used to compromise Judge Goldstone for the purpose of 'persuading' him to cease the investigation".
Following the revelations, ANC national chairperson Thabo Mbeki said: "From what we know, which is not in these reports, the investigations are going to reach rather sensitive people ... in the sense that they have actively been involved in the carrying out of this campaign of destabilisation".
Transkei leader and ANC candidate Major General Bantu Holomisa went further and said what most people here now suspect. He called for the dismissal of law and order minister Hernus Kriel, who is also the NP's candidate for premier of Western Cape Province. "Kriel must resign, now that the killing machinery has been traced to his doorstep."
Holomisa added that de Klerk, as head of the State Security Council, must have known about "the general's dirty tricks".
The commission found that Colonel de Kock, other members of Unit C10 and several askaris were given golden handshakes of between 400,000 and 1.2 million rand by the SAP "to keep quiet" about their activities. De Kock pocketed the 1.2 million. The payments were approved by de Klerk's cabinet.
De Klerk has for many years dismissed the existence of the Third Force despite evidence from former security police officer Dirk Coetzee in 1989, and former Inkatha official Bruce Anderson in 1992, each identifying the same senior police officers. De Klerk has ignored eyewitness accounts by survivors of violence, and by respected local and foreign journalists, of the SAP escorting Inkatha impis to and from attacks.
De Klerk refused to take action, claiming that successive investigations failed to produce conclusive evidence of the existence of a Third Force. The naming of Major General Krappies Engelbrecht as jointly in command of Unit C10 may explain this. Engelbrecht, as head of the SAP's counter-intelligence department, was in charge of all major investigations into state involvement in political violence and assassinations of anti-apartheid activists. This is in spite of his having been named by Dirk Coetzee in 1989 as involved in a police hit squad and the release of an official report in 1992 that said Engelbrecht had been accused at least three times of covering up hit squad activity.
On March 23, 11 of the police named in the commission report, including Krappies Engelbrecht, were suspended "with full pay and privileges" by police commissioner Johan van der Merwe. Van der Merwe grudgingly said he had "conceded to the wishes of the state president". Basie Smit and Johan le Roux, despite being put on compulsory leave by de Klerk on March 18, have defied the president and remained at their posts pending "discussions" with Hernus Kriel.
An international panel of investigators will arrive soon to work through "mountains" of unpublished evidence. Max du Preez, the former editor of the progressive Afrikaans-language weekly Vrye Weekblad, which broke many stories on the Third Force over the years, told Radio Metro on March 22 that the Goldstone revelations "are just the eyes of the crocodile. The rest of the crocodile is under the water."
The ANC said on March 21 that "the NP government and the police have persisted in blaming political intolerance between the ANC and IFP for the violence" while "they were not only promoting the violence but using the intolerance argument to conceal their own involvement ... The NP cannot be trusted to end the violence. The very people that they have relied on to address the violence are, according to the Goldstone Commission, the ones involved in provoking violence ... Clearly the NP cannot be trusted with peace or any other aspect of our lives."



Eugene de Kock, one of South Africa's most feared Soldier's of the BUSH WAR was denied parole and has now decided to expose some of the traitors who want him kept behind bars!
Eugene went on to become the commander of VLAKPLAAS; 0ne of the Security Police death camps.
He was sentenced to a lengthy imprisonment and stood alone in the dock.
He was left to languish in prison indefinitely - ALONE.
Goldstone revealed that the SAP's Unit C1 — later renamed C10 — was under the control of Colonel Eugene de Kock from 1989 until he left the SAP last year.