Friday, July 25, 2014

'Winnie Mandela Province' and an independent Afrikaner state: The politics of exclusion in the 'new' South Africa

NO Fear No Favour no Winnie Mandela......

Rebecca Davis







This week, an Afrikaner lobby group announced that they had received a commitment from government to enter into talks about the possibility of an Afrikaner state. In Cape Town, meanwhile, a human rights organization has launched a campaign to merge the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape into one mass they want to call “Winnie Mandela Province”. While neither initiative may have a great chance of success, both cases reflect a distinct sense of exclusion from the political mainstream in different ways. By REBECCA DAVIS.






Andries Breytenbach, the chairman of the Boer-Afrikaner Volksraad (BAV), says it’s quite simple.
Germans want to be governed by Germans. Japanese people want to be governed by Japanese.”
And Afrikaners want to be governed by Afrikaners.
It is for this reason that the BAV is lobbying government for the right to establish an autonomous Afrikaner state.
It’s not a new thing for us,” Breytenbach points out. “The Voortrekkers left the Cape in 1834 to establish their own republics, and became full players in the international world.” It’s not that they specifically object to being governed by a black government, he says. 200 years of white British rule left them just as resentful.
Mandela met with Afrikaners on this issue. Mbeki met with Afrikaners on this issue. An Afrikaner volkstaat remains a pipe dream, though a 2010Beeld survey found that 56% of respondents would move to a volkstaat if it were created. In 2011, President Jacob Zuma quashed the notion in aBeeld interview, saying: “You can’t create an Orania, you must be part of South Africa and share in what we all share.”
In the same interview, Zuma acknowledged an understanding on the part of Afrikaners for a place where they felt most at home. For him, he said, Nkandla was such a place.
This is what some Afrikaners need on a psychological level,” Zuma said. “An Nkandla.”
For the likes of Andries Breytenbach, a psychological homeland won’t cut it. He admits that initially they may have to start with something more modest, “a territory with limited autonomy”. But the end goal is an independent Afrikaner state.
Breytenbach says they’re still considering different options for the location of such a state. “It may not be in just one area, but two or three. Because the Afrikaner is spread all over. One might be around Pretoria, another in the Northern Cape.”
Farmable land would be a must, but he stresses that the state would also require normal infrastructure. They will “canvas for investment” to ensure vibrant industry. The state would maintain friendly diplomatic ties to South Africa. “The same as Namibia currently has, or Swaziland, or Lesotho,” Breytenbach suggests.
The BAV approached the Gauteng High Court to try to compel the government to enter into negotiations on the matter of “territorial self-determination for the Boer-Afrikaner people”, but the legal route proved unnecessary. The presidency has confirmed that arrangements are being made for a meeting with the BAV, possibly to take place next month.
Breytenbach thinks that the reason the BAV has a better chance of success than previous Afrikaners campaigning on this matter is its trump card: it is an elected body. In September 2011, the BAV held an election “among the Afrikaner people” – 36,000, he says, voting at 140 points throughout the country – and a “Boer Assembly” of 9 people was elected. (None are women.)
Breytenbach talks about Afrikaners as if both their culture and language is endangered. “It’s impossible for us as a nation to continue to exist where we are outnumbered,” he says. “We are 6% of the total population.”
When he says ‘Afrikaners’, of course, he doesn’t mean “people who speak Afrikaans”, since the latest census results show that the majority of Afrikaans-speakers in South Africa are now black or coloured. Would Afrikaans speakers who are not white be welcome in his state?
The Afrikaner is a white nation,” he begins. “Whoever governs the state at that time will make laws which can determine who will be there.”
He stresses that Afrikaner identity is not just about language. “Language is but one factor. We know what an Afrikaner is. We are the descendants of Western Europeans who came here. We share a history, heritage, our vision of ourselves. There are Afrikaans-speakers who do not define themselves as Afrikaners.”
It seems strange, given his beliefs, that Breytenbach does not live in Orania, the whites-only Afrikaner enclave in the Northern Cape. Or not so strange: “I live in Kleinfontein,” he says. Ah: the Orania of Pretoria, against the existence of which the DA Youth protested last year.
Many scholars are in consensus that the right to self-determination by ethnic groups should only apply when they are the victims of grave human rights abuses by the ruling government. Afrikaner figures, like singer Steve Hofmeyr, have argued vocally over the past few years that Afrikaners are, indeed, subject to such violations. But it doesn’t seem a card that Breytenbach is particularly interested in playing.
Human rights abuses do occur against us but that’s not the reason,” he says. “The South African Constitution does not reflect our deepest spiritual values, our culture, our norms. We want a Christian Constitution.”
Someone who isn’t remotely persuaded by Breytenbach’s arguments is Lotta Mayana, the chairperson of a Cape Town-based human rights organization called Sobahlangula. “People calling for [an independent Afrikaner state] don’t want to reconcile with the rest of us,” Mayana says. “They should be able to integrate.”
But Mayana is plotting a re-drawing of South Africa’s internal boundaries of his own, albeit in a very different way. Sobahlangula this week launched a campaign for the amalgamation of the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape into a single province, to be known as 'Winnie Mandela Province'.
Like the BAV, they have history on their side – in the sense that what was formerly the Cape Province was divided into the three provinces in 1994, with bits also absorbed into the North West province. If their campaign for re-amalgamation were to succeed, the new province would be by far the biggest in the country.
The idea for the campaign came out of the commission of inquiry into the Lwandle evictions, where Mayana gave a brief oral submission calling for the rights of Lwandle residents to be restored.
What became clear is that the City is not giving services to people they deem not to belong in this province,” Mayana told the Daily Maverick. “That’s why they’ve labelled them as ‘refugees’.” (He was referring to Western Cape Premier Helen Zille’s 2012 description of Eastern Cape pupils who flocked to the Western Cape for better education as “refugees”.)
In order for us to not make this province exclusive, to share skills and budget, we need to merge provinces,” Mayana said. “But instead of the Cape Province, we make it Winnie Mandela Province.”
Sobahlangula wants Winnie Mandela’s name on the province partly because “it’s time that we honour women” and partly because “she is someone who understands. Someone who knows where we come from, what agendas we need to achieve, that we are looking for economic freedom.”
Mayana’s vision of how the merge of the provinces would lead to greater employment prospects and industry is a little hazy, to say the least. He says what was formerly the Northern Cape can focus on solar energy, whereas the Western Cape will install wind turbines. The land of the former Eastern Cape will be used for agricultural purposes, while all livestock operations will move to the former Northern Cape. Minerals produced within the Northern Cape won’t have to be moved elsewhere for beneficiation.
Oh – and elephants will be farmed in Northern Cape so that their bits can be sold off to China. “There’s big demand,” Mayana says.
Mayana is earnest and likeable in conversation. As I discover later, Sobahlangula’s press statement on the matter is less likeable, railing against “the Jews who are in control of this province”. It’s unclear how seriously he expects the proposal to be actually taken, though he says the organization is circulating a petition in the Western Cape which is being enthusiastically signed.
If it’s a gimmick, though, it’s a gimmick designed to highlight one serious point: the sense of exclusion which Sobahlangula says is felt by the Western Cape’s poorest residents. To them, the organization says, Cape Town is a city where elites “live lavish Hollywood lifestyles at the expense of the poor”.
Black people in the Western Cape, they say, “are segregated from the non-black population: there are separate schools, shopping malls and hospitals for blacks and white people and the services available are based on the colour of your skin”.
In a sense what Sobahlangula is asking is the opposite to the BAV: an end to this kind of segregation, as opposed to its formalization. The BAV wants to be left alone; Sobahlangula wants to move from the margins to the centre. But what both these very different groups are voicing is a profound sense of alienation. Neither feel their needs are being met in the current political and geographical status quo. Government may well chuck both proposals in the rubbish bin, but those feelings aren’t likely to just disappear. DM
Photo: Sobahlangula’s press statement included a colourful map of the future 'Winnie Mandela Province'.


Daily Maverick

  COMMENTS BY SONNY


HOW CAN ANY LUCID PERSON EVER EQUATE WINNIE MANDELA WITH THE AFRIKANER?

TWO WORLDS APART!

TWO OCEANS TO DROWN IN!

ONE A FAILED TERRORIST AND THE OTHER A NATION FIGHTING AGAINST GENOCIDE!


Wednesday, July 23, 2014

Morale is at rock-bottom in the SAPS - Dianne Kohler Barnard





Morale is at rock-bottom in the SAPS - Dianne Kohler Barnard
Dianne Kohler Barnard
21 July 2014


DA MP says political appointments, secretaries, drivers, lovers and relatives of various bigwigs being bounced up the ranks

Speech by Dianne Kohler Barnard, DA Shadow Minister of Police in the Police Budget Vote, Parliament, July 21 2014

Minister Nhleko must fix the shambles he inherited

21 July 2014

Chairperson currently our SAPS is to our citizenry what Germany was to Brazil in the FIFA World Cup. They are not beating us, they are burying us.

As such I am deeply grateful that we have a new Minister - and equally so that we have a new Chairperson.

This new Minister has inherited a shambles - with R150-million in fruitless and wasteful expenditure being just the tip of the iceberg that threatens to sink the whole ship.

As for the previous Minister, I trust he has more luck with ballet than he had with bullets - and that he quickly works out that a grand jete doesn't refer to another fun-filled, taxpayer-funded private airline trip. Thankfully with a cut in budget from R73-billion down to R3-billion he'll have a lot less loose loot to squander.

Chair, I must commend this new Minister for allowing the questions I put to him to be answered in full - no sarcasm, and complete disclosure made a welcome change, but I can't but wonder how it is we come to find him in this exalted position. I looked at his slim CV, and it took me a while to dig out some background information. He seems, from what I have seen, to have left school somewhere in Standard 9, has no further education - yet he mysteriously ended up as the DG for Labour.

I do know he had a shot at being an Acting-Municipal manager until they found he had no relevant qualifications, but it all came together when I saw that he was appointed the Regional Commissioner of Correctional Services KZN who then advocated for the parole of No 1's financial advisor and benefactor, Schabir Shaik, on dubious medical grounds.

Yes, this is the very man who signed off on the release of the never-been-ill-a-day-in-his-life, golf playing, whisky swilling close friend to the President.

It was after that, that this Minister was suddenly deemed suitably qualified to be a DG, and today earns a Minister's salary.

This Minister has inherited an entity which on the books looks effective. But I could take him by the hand to 153 stations without toilets, running water, electricity - or all three; to stations where the rain pours through the roof; or those with few working vehicles, or plenty of vehicles and no driver's licences; to stations where the police members round up cattle and demand a fee from the local subsistence farmers for their release.

I could show him where to source some of the money to renovate a station or two, starting with the man who was the first non-police political appointment to National Police Commissioner, Jackie Selebi.

We are still feeling the effect of his disastrous term, and what he did to the SAPS and to our reputation abroad is immeasurable. As for the money: according to Treasury Regulations 12.7.1 and 2 he should have started paying the taxpayers the over R17-million 30 days after he lost his appeal. Yet it's been three years, and we've not seen a cent.

R17-million could pay the salaries of over 200 constables for a year. It could pay for more officers on the streets, or to provide vehicles at stations, or bullet proof vests where there are none, or provide much needed crime-fighting resources to those men and women whom he embarrassed. Or even build a station so that our members aren't found working from their cars as they're locked out once again because the Department of Public Works has forgotten to renew the lease.

Or perhaps the money could be used to help the SAPS Air Wing, as more than half is sitting gathering dust, with six of the aircraft grounded since before December 2012 - probably the Robinson R44s bought for the World Cup but never used.

I have asked over and over about this matter, but the NPC has seemingly done nothing.

The cynicism of the South African public in terms of our SAPS began around the time that Jacki Selebi was sentenced to 15 years after being found guilty of corruption, spent just 229 days in a hospital ward, and was released because he was on the verge of death.

He wasn't. Schabir Shaik wasn't either - and he's seen playing golf and dining out regularly in Durban.

Then of course I could show the new Minister what destruction was wreaked in the SAPS by the now Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Bheki Cele.

I welcomed his sacking as National Police Commissioner on the 12th June 2012 after the Public Protector found his actions were, "improper, unlawful, and amounted to maladministration". The Molio Police Board of Inquiry recommended that criminal charges be considered as he was guilty of gross misconduct.

So - we laid charges, yet now he's a colleague of yours on the Ministerial benches, and the SAPS has somehow in the past two years found it impossible to investigate the charges we laid against him in this regard. The Minister will find a question from me in his In Box about this matter.

I could show this new Minister footage of Andries Tetane being murdered as SAPS members shot him at blank range - on TV - live - or Mido Macia being dragged off to his death.

But I could equally take this Minister to pearls of perfection scattered about the country, where the police are admired and supported by the locals who in turn are cared for by them in the way in which we thought Police should work when we changed them from a Force into a Service.

They have managed to hold onto that which we admire in the SAPS, despite the second fired NPC militarising the entire structure just so that he could be called a General.

I must point out that this title of General is one he bizarrely demands to be called still today when he was stripped of both the title and everything that went with it when he was fired.

He isn't a General, and has no right to use that title. Even in the New Age newspaper.

I could tell the Minister the tale of Richard Mdluli and his suspension, and the suspension of the next acting head of CI once he pressed charges against the current NPC and her close confidant the PPC of the WC after she was allegedly recorded warning him he was under investigation.

The latest head of the IPID is investigating this very matter and as such I have every confidence it will be swept under the carpet.

There are only two original members of the PPC left, and along with her I voted for the current chair when he took over as the head of the ICD - now the IPID. I do trust the man and I'm sure one day the truth of why he resigned on the day of the Marikana Massacre will emerge.

That Massacre, and who will be the scapegoat for it, has been much in the news and I'm sure the lessons the new Minister will learn from the commission as we all watch the former Minister wriggle like a fish on a hook trying with all his might to justify his actions while convincing his accusers that he is in no way to blame, will guide him when he lays awake at night wondering which way to jump.

By now the new Minister will have learned that we have 1448 convicted criminals in the SAPS - one of them is a Major General, 10 Brigadiers, 21 Colonels, 10 Majors, 43 Lt-Colonels, 163 Captains, 84 Lieutenants, 716 Warrant Officers, 267 Sergeant, 129 Constables and four staff. So nearly all of them have been promoted up the ranks, despite their being, on the whole, murderers and rapists. Most of them work in the Eastern Cape - but 64 of them work in the SAPS Head Office.

There are probably many more criminals in the ranks, as the audit was inexplicably stopped at the end of 2010.

Chairperson, it seems having finally admitted to this criminality, it would have been easy to simply apply the SAPS Act and boot them out, but the NPC and her staff blundered the affair so the Unions could stop the firing of this evil bunch of criminals in our midst.

I could introduce the new Minister to outstanding police in every single province - police who would take a bullet for either of us - but equally I could point out the fault lines, where the failings are - many relentlessly highlighted in the committee report.

Chair I could explain to the new Minister how South Africans don't believe a word of what is said during the annual Release of the Crime Stats Circus ...especially as the figures were fiddled so amateurishly last year by his predecessor.

The sad truth is that there are thousands of disillusioned SAPS members who have achieved extraordinary things, yet have never been promoted. The logical and progressive career paths have been overgrown by liberal doses of politically generated fertilizer.

Experienced SAPS members are today instructed to mentor 20 year olds, who are then promoted over their heads, and for whom they must still do the job, grit their teeth and salute. Morale is at rock-bottom, and while this Minister's new Department was scoffing R45-million on meals and swanning about in 5-star hotels, comfortable in the reality that their children, lovers and relatives were being bounced up the ranks regardless of their lack of qualifications, our people were dying in increased numbers. 45 murdered each day.

Indeed while I give this speech 3 people will be murdered, and 25 women raped - and the chances of their killers and rapists being apprehended, successfully prosecuted and incarcerated are miniscule because so few cases make it to court, and so often the cases presented are so weak they're laughed out the door.

Sadly this Minister has yet to learn of his SAPS members who are so poorly trained that they wreck crime scenes, fail to collect evidence, destroy evidence or sell it.

It may pay the new Minister to ask why it is that in Gauteng 70 officers have been dismissed recently for corruption, attempted murder, armed robbery, defeating the ends of justice and assault. And why 173 more were fired in KZN. And they aren't part of the infamous 1448. They are fresh new criminals.

The question, of course, to ask is: How on earth did they get into the SAPS in the first place?

Needless to say our SAPS needs a comprehensive turnaround strategy. It cannot go on as before, with political appointments, secretaries, drivers, lovers and relatives of various bigwigs being bounced up the ranks to senior positions over the heads of those who have earned the positions through backbreaking hard work.

Chair, this Minister's predecessor shoved through poor, unconstitutional legislation such as the Hawks Bill - rejected now for the third time by the courts - and the xenophobic PSIRA Amendment Bill - which allows for the expropriation of entire Private Security companies which have a head office elsewhere.

There are huge concerns that provisions that limit foreign ownership of private security companies under the World Trade Organisation General Agreement on Trade in Services are being breached.

The DA believes that this Bill will constitute an unlawful expropriation under section 25 of the Constitution and may also place the government in breach of its obligations under the SA-UK bilateral treaty and the other 45 bilateral investment treaties.

Even if the President decides that SA doesn't need to be bogged down in the Constitutional Court and international arbitral tribunals, it is quite obvious that the same aim is being achieved through the Home Affairs Immigration regulations - which ensure any permanent resident working in any sector of the private security industry will not be allowed back should he or she pop to Mauritius for a holiday. Neat trick.

I could tell the new Minister that there were zero dismissals in relation to the 13 000 lost SAPS firearms; that R96-million was spent to send cops to South Sudan and Darfur; of the multi-million rand AVL SAPS car-tracking system contract lapsing because the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries signed the renewal three days after it expired; of our reservists - turned away from SAPS doors since 2008 and now treated like trash via the new regulations; that 20% of detectives are without the most basic of training; that just 3.3% of cops are trained in sexual offences; that there are 27 000 cops with firearms, but no licences; 16 594 cops without driver's licences and as many cops with licences but no vehicles.

This Minister must know that there are heroes in the SAPS - members who put their lives on the line for us members of the public on a daily basis.

But equally there are those who use the position to rob and rape and that the balance between the good and the bad has begun to tilt towards the bad.

The plan to integrate the CJS has been spoken about for a decade, and the most the SAPS have been able to do is fail at scanning and sending dockets to court.

I have no option but to hope that now that the Empty Suit has sailed off into the sunset of his career, this new Minister will prove to be more substantial.

Unfortunately the new Minister has inherited no clear plan on how to tackle the main issue of police brutality and while I have my reservations about his appointment I trust his history of abusing his powers to the benefit of the President and his friends will be left behind him as he steps into a fresh new day.

Issued by the DA, July 21 2014

Monday, July 21, 2014

EUGENE DE KOCK TAKES ACTION THROUGH THE MEDIA

No fear No Favour No Traitors in our midst......



11:00  21 July 2013 (South Africa)  Sonny Cox







PRIME EVIL HITS BACK













Eugene de Kock slaan terug in briewe uit die tronk: ‘Luister nou, generaal, onthou u die keer toe...’

2014-07-19 22:50


Generaal Johan van der Merwe
"Genl. Van der Merwe, my boodskap aan u is, om die ontslape skrywer Christoffel Coetzee aan te haal uit sy boek Op soek na ­Generaal Mannetjies Mentz: ‘Ek is nie weg nie, generaal, ek is nog net nie terug nie!’ ”
Dit is die woorde van kol. ­Eugene de Kock aan dié voormalige polisiekommissaris ná dié se ope brief die afgelope week waarin Van der Merwe sê daar is geen bewyse van enige aard dat enige destydse SAP-generaal geïmpliseer is in enige van die moorde waaraan De Kock skuldig bevind is nie.
In ’n brief aan Rapport skryf De Kock:
“U deel nie die publiek mee dat genl. ***********ten tyde van die Maponya-voorval reeds ’n senior vol kolonel was en later die nasionale hoof van die veiligheidspolisie se inspektoraat geword het nie.
“Ek, daarteen, was ’n junior kaptein wat in daardie stadium onder kol. ********* se bevel gedien het,” skryf De Kock.
“Niemand moet die indruk kry of dink dat ek aanspreeklikheid ontken of enige optredes en die gevolge daarvan probeer ontduik nie.”
De Kock skryf hoekom daar volgens hom geen getuienis is van hoëvlak-aandadigheid nie:
“Tydens die verskeie kommissies, en veral die Harms-kommissie, het generaal (toe nog brigadier)***********  alle verklarings opgestel. Ons moes net teken.
“Die polisie kon dit nie waag dat ons self verklarings opstel nie. Eiseregisters, reis- en verblyfregisters, dokumente soos veiligheidsverslae en elke moontlike bewys is opgespoor en verwyder of vernietig.
“Só wis ons alle rekords en bewysstukke uit om ons self te vrywaar.
“En dan later, met ironie wat dodelike gevolge het vir jouself, het jy self geen bewysstukke om jou eie saak te staaf nie.”
De Kock skryf: “Om te dink dat ek, omdat ek die minste geag is voor die verandering van regering, en daarna so prominent die sondebok moes word van die ou bestel, soveel geweet het.
“Hoeveel te meer weet u en die ander dan nie, generaal!
“Ek is gebruik om jou en al die ander soos jy se tuimel van ’n baie hoë hoogte te breek.”
De Kock gee dan ’n paar gevalle om Van der Merwe se “geheue te verfris”:

1. ‘LSD-eksperimente’
* “In 1979-’80 besoek u Koevoet se paar lede in Oshakati in die destydse Suidwes-Afrika. ***** sit aan die hoof van die tafel, die senior persoon in beheer van die gesprek.
“Sy Afrikaans is pragtig, suiwer en duidelik. Hy vertel ons hoe hy self met die  verbode LSD op van die gevangenes in veiligheidspolisie-aanhouding eksperimenteer.
“Om hulle te laat praat en inligting te laat gee.
“En reg oorkant my kyk ek na ’n kantoor met kaste en kaste vol blikkiesvleis wat met dubbel-dosisse tallium behandel is; net reg vir aanwending indien nodig.”

2. ’n Plofstof-krisis
* De Kock skryf die Oos-Rand-veiligheidstak “neem die ondervraging van ’n Inkatha-lid te ver” en hy sterf.
“Ek word genader vir hulp. Ek gee raad én verskaf Oosblok-vervaardigde springstof en ontstekers.
“Maar die poging om die toneel na sabotasie of poging tot terreur te laat lyk, loop heeltemal skeef weens die lede se gebrek aan ondervinding met springstof.
“Dit lei tot ’n krisis wat die veiligheidstak-lede gaan ontbloot. Ek nader genl. **********. Hy reël dat genl. ********** die springstof-toneel besoek, ondersoek en hanteer. Die saak word so ‘reggetrek’. Alles is reg. Probleem opgelos.”

3. Die ‘tube’-probleem

*
 “Laat een aand kry ek ’n oproep van kapt. **********, bevelvoerder van die veiligheidstak op**********. ‘Heeelp!!!’ gil hy oor die foon. ‘Ons het ’n man vermoor.’ Ek stuur twee ­lede van seksie C.1 om hulp te verleen. Ons is goed vir die vuilwerk! Die **********- veiligheidstak-vermoorde, Sweet Sambo, verdwyn.
“Hy is met die ‘tube’-metode vermoor. Die binneband word oor die mond en neus getrek.
“Suurstof-ontneming lewer, met enkele uitsonderings, al die gewenste inligting op.
“Genl. ********** is nie beskikbaar nie, en ek lig kol. ********** in wat op sy beurt genl.********** inlig.
“Hulle vlieg summier met die veiligheidstak-helikopter na die Skwamaans-polisiebasis naby Komatipoort op die pad na die dorpie Naas.
“Daar moet opgeruim word en ‘skoongemaak’ word.
“Kol. ******* lig my die volgende oggend in dat hulle nog die binneband met speeksel, slym en bloed aan op die toneel gekry het, sowel as ander bewysstukke.
“Geen vervolgings vind plaas nie. En die laaste keer wat ek met oud-kapt. ****** gepraat het, was hy baie tevrede met homself.”

4. ‘Toe trap hy op sy kop'

*
 De Kock vertel van ’n voorval in die destydse Wes-Transvaal waarin “drie of vier” mense doodgeskiet is.
“Lt. ********** loop na (die) gewonde, bejaarde man. Hy trap sy kop onder in ’n poel water vas en bly op sy kop staan totdat hy verdrink. Hierdie persone het geen wapens gehad nie, nog geen misdaad gepleeg nie.
“Maar die drie afgedeelde blanke lede van die seksie se vaders was almal baie senior lede van die S.A. Polisie se veiligheidstakke. Generaal, brigadier.
“Die ondersoek-beampte van die Pretoria moord-en-roof vind ernstige ongerymdhede en stel dit só in sy verslag. Maar genl. ********* ‘trek’ die saak reg. Alles is in die haak. Geen probleme nie. Hierdie groep manne van u word ook nie vervolg nie.”
De Kock sluit af:
“Ek wou nooit daar gaan en daardie kissie van Pandora oopmaak nie. Maar laat ek daardie kruis dan ook vir myself baie, baie ligter maak. U verplig my nou, na aanleiding van u aanhoudende druk, om daaroor te skryf. Ek gaan so maak, volledig en duidelik.”

Groete, 
Eugene A. de Kock (Gevangene 94616105)


* Name is op regsadvies verwyder. Lees ook die briewe in Weekliks (Jou beurt).

* Lees ook De Kock se brief aan Jacques Pauw.


RAPPORT


Eugene de Kock: ‘Ek het Japie nié doodgeslaan met ’n graaf nie!’

2014-07-19 22:50

Hy skryf aan Jacques Pauw:

Om nie u berig in Rapport verlede Sondag, asook die verklaring van genl. Johan van der Merwe, reg te stel nie sal beteken ek aanvaar onomwonde alles wat geskryf is.

Ek sal dus só beoordeel word, die leuen word dus die waarheid!

Ek is nie afgekeur vir taakmagopleiding vanweë my sig nie. Ek is uitgenooi om die eerste taakmag-groep daar te stel en die kursus by te woon.
Ek was reeds ’n lid van die informele groep wat later die taakmag sou word. In 1976 moes ek terselfdertyd gaan vir ’n offisierskursus. Ek het die offisierskursus gekies.
Ek het teen daardie tyd reeds al valskermspronge gedoen, met en sonder ’n bril.
U konsentreer nou al jare lank daarop dat ek ’n hakkelaar was en is.
Ek sal dit bly. U hamer daarop omdat dit so ’n erg gestigmatiseerde, sosiaal-pynlik, skaam, kwellende en teisterende gebrek is.
Dit is goed so. Hou so aan. Maar dit leer wel mense wat soos ek ’n spraakgebrek het eén ding: Ons sien en hoor meer omdat ons nie praat nie of gesprekke vermy. En met ons geheue skort daar niks!
Die naam “Prime Evil” het ek nog nooit gehad nie! Ek was nooit so bekend onder my eie lede of kollegas nie. Ook nie onder die gewapende magte of die publiek nie.
Dis ’n naam wat ú my gegee het. En u het dit klaarblyklik gekry by ’n goeie vriend van u wat toe al ernstige probleme gehad het met sy “crack”-kokaïen-deurweekte brein.
U is reg. Japie Maponya is dood. En hy ís vermoor. Ek het Japie Maponya nie met ’n graaf doodgeslaan nie! Ek het die familie by die hof gesien ten tye van hul getuienis én vir ’n geruime tyd by die Waarheid-en-versoeningskommissie (WVK) waar dié geval stap vir stap, oomblik vir oomblik, uitgepluis is.
Ek het begrip daarvoor dat die Maponya-familie nie tevrede gaan wees of ooit sál wees nie. Geen familie kan ooit weer vrede of gemoedsrus hê ná so ’n voorval nie.
Japie Maponya is deur sers. Willem Albertus Nortjé doodgeskiet. Hy het ’n 9 mm-Parabellum-Berreta-pistool styf teen sy linkerslaap gedruk en die sneller getrek. Die koeël én die aandryfmiddel se gasse (verbrande en onverbrande kruit), het deur sy brein getrek. Kant tot kant.
Dít, mnr. Pauw, is die feite. U het hierdie feite tot u beskikking gehad. U het die hofverhoor bygewoon en ook die WVK. U het ook, volgens my inligting, al my lêers [oorspronklikes] én die oorspronklike hofdossiere ontvang.
Sers. Nortjé se beloning vir hierdie moorddaad was sy bevordering tot direkteur (gelykstaande aan die rang van brigadier) in die nasionale intelligensiediens van die huidige regeringsbestel.
Die Maponyas het niks!
Met salaris, subsidies en byvoordele word dir. Nortjé met ongeveer een miljoen rand per jaar vergoed.
Dit gaan goed met die Nortjés!
Nortjé en sy kollega, ******** was in Jozini, Noord-Natal, werksaam. Ek het hulle soontoe gestuur sodat ons kon begin voorberei vir plattelandse oorlogvoering, in besonder berg-oorlogvoering.
Ek self het teen die Botswana-grens begin werk. Met dáárdie ontplooiing was daar ’n geheul tussen kapt. *** **van seksie C.2 Hoofkantoor, verantwoordelik vir die identifisering, ondervraging en werwing van terroriste, en kapt. ******van Krugersdorp se veiligheidspolisie. 
Sonder my medewete of toestemming het kapt. *****my werkspan van Jozini na Krugersdorp herontplooi. Ek word nie ingelig nie.
Kapt. ***** was soms voorsitter van Trewits, die Teen-revolusionêre Inligting-teikensentrum. Dít het bestaan uit lede van die veiligheidspolisie, asook militêre en nasionale intelligensie.
Dit was die eerste van drie vlakke waar besluit is wie word doodgeskiet, ontvoer of wie bly leef. En selde, indien ooit, is hierdie komitee se aanbevelings afgekeur.
Die volgende twee vlakke was die KIK (Koördinerende Inligtingskomitee) en dan die staatsveiligheidsraad. Ná goedkeuring van so ’n optrede of operasie, word besluit aan watter groep of eenheid die taak opgedra sal word. Kapt. ***** word goed beloon vir sy dienste en word as ’n generaal aangestel in die nuwe bestel. Sy voordele oortref dié van ******.
Dit gaan goed met die ******!
Seksie C.1, waarvan ek bevelvoerder was, was gemoeid met teen-terrorisme; die skerp, onaangename, vuil en gevaarlike kant van operasies en was ook getaak met oorgrens-operasies.
Dié groepe het onder bevel gewerk van die bevelvoerder van die veiligheidstak van enige streek en slegs dié se take uitgevoer. Die enkele blankes by elke swart groep het as skakel-personeel opgetree tussen die veiligheidstaklede en die streeksbevelvoerder.
Hulle het hul opdragte van die streeks­bevel­voerder gekry of offisier wat deur hom aangewys is, en slegs leiding geneem in gevegte tussen terroriste en die veiligheidspolisie.
Dit gaan goed met die *****!

Dit was vir doodsekerte

De Kock het in Julie 1999 tydens sy amnestie-aansoek voor die WVK getuig dat hy Japie Maponya twee keer met ’n graaf oor die kop geslaan het nadat Willie Nortjé hom geskiet het. “Dit was standaardpraktyk om seker te maak mense was dood nadat hulle geskiet is,” het De Kock gesê.

Volgens Jacques Pauw het die veroordeelde polisie-moordenaar Ferdi Barnard die naam “Prime Evil” aan De Kock gegee. “Barnard het self daarvan vertel in die dokumentêr Prime Evil wat ek in 1996 gemaak het,” sê Pauw.


RAPPORT



How could de Klerk not know of Third Force? — ANC

Wednesday, March 30, 1994 - 10:00
By Norm Dixon
JOHANNESBURG — The African National Congress has called on the National Party government and its leader, F.W. de Klerk, to come clean about its knowledge of the criminal political activities planned and committed by the most senior officers of the South African Police (SAP) in league with the KwaZulu Police (KZP) and the Inkatha Freedom Party. The charges include large scale gun-running, murder and fomenting random violence on trains and in townships.
"The question that all South Africans should ask themselves is did President de Klerk and [law and order] minister [Hernus] Kriel in fact know about the activities of senior members of the police — in fact how could they not have known?", the ANC demanded.
On March 18, Justice Richard Goldstone released an interim report revealing that the SAP's top commanders instigated political violence that has claimed the lives of more than 15,000 people since 1989. The report is based on information supplied by a security police officer identified only as "Q".
The ANC said that the report proved "the existence of a sinister conspiracy committed to the destabilisation of the country and the subversion of the transition to democracy. It confirms the charge the ANC has made many times that there exists a Third Force engaged in murder and other criminal activities in pursuit of anti-democratic aims."
Goldstone revealed that the SAP's Unit C1 — later renamed C10 — was under the control of Colonel Eugene de Kock from 1989 until he left the SAP last year. Overall command of the unit's operations was in the hands of the SAP's second highest officer, deputy commissioner Lieutenant General Basie Smit, and the SAP's head of counter-intelligence, Major General Krappies Engelbrecht. Another high-ranking cop, Lieutenant General Johan le Roux, was directly involved in the operations.
The Goldstone Commission found evidence that Unit C10 was involved in:
  • The manufacture of guns at secret premises near Pretoria, which were then distributed to Inkatha leaders in the PWV region. Acting as intermediary between C10 and Inkatha was Dries "Brood" van Heerden, chief of security for Amalgamated Banks of South Africa, one of the country's major banks. It is alleged that van Heerden employed only Inkatha Freedom Party members as security guards in ABSA banks throughout Johannesburg, and that they were a virtual private army.
  • The distribution of AK-47s, grenades and rocket launchers from the former Koevoet unit in Namibia and from Mozambique to Inkatha leaders. The report recounted that Inkatha Transvaal leader Themba Khoza was arrested at a roadblock while driving to a hostel in Sebokeng in 1990 after AK-47s were found in his car's boot. Unit C10 arranged for his bail and legal fees to be paid. Khoza was acquitted.
  • De Kock and a member of the SAP's security branch, Willem Coetzee, acting on orders from Basie Smit and Krappies Engelbrecht, orchestrated random train violence in the PWV. Askaris (Umkhonto we Sizwe fighters "turned" by the police) and van Heerden's ABSA/Inkatha hit men, armed by C10, entered trains to hack and shoot people between stations. The intention was to ignite conflict between township residents and IFP-aligned hostel dwellers.
  • After his retirement, de Kock continued to supply arms to Inkatha in collaboration with the SAP via an arms company, Honeybadger Arms and Ammunition. De Kock, whose nickname is "Prime Evil", has been linked to the violent or suspicious deaths of at least 13 liberation movement activists during the 1980s.
  • Former KwaZulu police commissioner Major General Jack Buchner was deeply involved in the gun-running network. The commission revealed his unsavoury background. He was in the Rhodesian army in the 1960s, then joined the SAP security branch, where he was in charge of the work of askaris. While he was head of the security police in Natal from 1987 to 1989, there was a huge surge in political violence and many allegations of police complicity with the IFP. He became KwaZulu Police Commissioner in 1990 and retired in 1992.
  • Inkatha members were trained in the use of firearms and grenades. The commission said there was "convincing" evidence that the KwaZulu Police "have been and still are involved in hit squad activities in Natal and the Transvaal". A subcommittee of the commission found that many of the KZP members involved had been trained by South African security forces in unconventional warfare in Namibia's Caprivi Strip in 1986.
  • The subcommittee found that South Africa's top police officer, Police Commissioner General Johan van der Merwe, twice blocked investigations of allegations of police misconduct in Natal.
  • Upon learning that the commission was investigating Unit C10's activities, Major General Krappies Engelbrecht ordered the destruction of all documents and files related to involvement with the IFP. He also ordered that unit operatives "obtain any information which could be used to compromise Judge Goldstone for the purpose of 'persuading' him to cease the investigation".
Following the revelations, ANC national chairperson Thabo Mbeki said: "From what we know, which is not in these reports, the investigations are going to reach rather sensitive people ... in the sense that they have actively been involved in the carrying out of this campaign of destabilisation".
Transkei leader and ANC candidate Major General Bantu Holomisa went further and said what most people here now suspect. He called for the dismissal of law and order minister Hernus Kriel, who is also the NP's candidate for premier of Western Cape Province. "Kriel must resign, now that the killing machinery has been traced to his doorstep."
Holomisa added that de Klerk, as head of the State Security Council, must have known about "the general's dirty tricks".
The commission found that Colonel de Kock, other members of Unit C10 and several askaris were given golden handshakes of between 400,000 and 1.2 million rand by the SAP "to keep quiet" about their activities. De Kock pocketed the 1.2 million. The payments were approved by de Klerk's cabinet.
De Klerk has for many years dismissed the existence of the Third Force despite evidence from former security police officer Dirk Coetzee in 1989, and former Inkatha official Bruce Anderson in 1992, each identifying the same senior police officers. De Klerk has ignored eyewitness accounts by survivors of violence, and by respected local and foreign journalists, of the SAP escorting Inkatha impis to and from attacks.
De Klerk refused to take action, claiming that successive investigations failed to produce conclusive evidence of the existence of a Third Force. The naming of Major General Krappies Engelbrecht as jointly in command of Unit C10 may explain this. Engelbrecht, as head of the SAP's counter-intelligence department, was in charge of all major investigations into state involvement in political violence and assassinations of anti-apartheid activists. This is in spite of his having been named by Dirk Coetzee in 1989 as involved in a police hit squad and the release of an official report in 1992 that said Engelbrecht had been accused at least three times of covering up hit squad activity.
On March 23, 11 of the police named in the commission report, including Krappies Engelbrecht, were suspended "with full pay and privileges" by police commissioner Johan van der Merwe. Van der Merwe grudgingly said he had "conceded to the wishes of the state president". Basie Smit and Johan le Roux, despite being put on compulsory leave by de Klerk on March 18, have defied the president and remained at their posts pending "discussions" with Hernus Kriel.
An international panel of investigators will arrive soon to work through "mountains" of unpublished evidence. Max du Preez, the former editor of the progressive Afrikaans-language weekly Vrye Weekblad, which broke many stories on the Third Force over the years, told Radio Metro on March 22 that the Goldstone revelations "are just the eyes of the crocodile. The rest of the crocodile is under the water."
The ANC said on March 21 that "the NP government and the police have persisted in blaming political intolerance between the ANC and IFP for the violence" while "they were not only promoting the violence but using the intolerance argument to conceal their own involvement ... The NP cannot be trusted to end the violence. The very people that they have relied on to address the violence are, according to the Goldstone Commission, the ones involved in provoking violence ... Clearly the NP cannot be trusted with peace or any other aspect of our lives."


GREEN LEFT WEEKLY


COMMENTS BY SONNY


Eugene de Kock, one of South Africa's most feared Soldier's of the BUSH WAR was denied parole and has now decided to expose some of the traitors who want him kept behind bars!
Eugene went on to become the commander of VLAKPLAAS; 0ne of the Security Police death camps.
He was sentenced to a lengthy imprisonment and stood alone in the dock.
He was left to languish in prison indefinitely - ALONE.
MANY BOOKS HAVE BEEN WRITTEN ON THIS SUBJECT AND THE TIME IN HISTORY HAS NOW COME TO EXPOSE HIS DETRACTORS WHO WALKED AWAY WITH A SUBSTANTIAL "SECRET FUND! - JACQUES PAUW - PRIME EVIL.
CLIVE DERBY-LEWIS IS ANOTHER EX SA SOLDIER WHO WAS LEFT OUT TO DRY - ALONE!
GENL KRAPPIES ENGELBRECHT WAS ANOTHER OF EUGENE DE KOCK'S DETRACTORS.
Goldstone revealed that the SAP's Unit C1 — later renamed C10 — was under the control of Colonel Eugene de Kock from 1989 until he left the SAP last year.
HE NEVER CARRIED OUT ORDERS WITHOUT THE KNOWLEDGE AND CONSENT OF HIS SUPERIORS IN THE SECURITY POLICE IN THESE INSTANCES.