Tuesday, July 31, 2012

Sexwale dissolves ‘dysfunctional’ Estate Agency Affairs Board



Sexwale dissolves ‘dysfunctional’ Estate Agency Affairs Board
Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale asks Special Investigating Unit to probe regulatory body of an industry that makes up 15% of South Africa’s gross domestic product
STAFF REPORTER
Published: 2012/07/31 10:16:59 AM

THE embattled Estate Agency Affairs Board (EAAB) has been placed under administration, Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale said on Tuesday.

"I am compelled in the interests of bringing certainty and order to place [the board] under administration," Mr Sexwale said in Johannesburg.

In May, the regulatory body for the real estate industry was moved from the Department of Trade and Industry to the Department of Human Settlements, which now constitutes its executive authority.

Mr Sexwale’s move to address the EAAB is seen as positive for the real estate industry, which contributes about 15% of South Africa’s gross domestic product and is seen as important to the economy.

He also called for the Special Investigating Unit to probe the EAAB.

"I’ve also decided the Special Investigating Unit must step in. They must bring in a very strong broom to clean up this mess."

The EAAB has had difficulty ensuring estate agents operating in South Africa’s property market comply with the legislation governing their profession.

The body has come under the spotlight for its poor service levels and because of numerous complaints from the property industry, including reports of estate agents operating without the mandatory fidelity fund certificates, the board not investigating complaints and failing to guide the sector.
This comes at a time when the industry has needed guidance from the board, as there have been many legislative changes in the industry, including in education, financial intelligence, compliance and company law as well as the new Property Charter, and the transformation code for the property sector.

This month alone, the board’s recently appointed chairwoman, Ina Wilken, resigned after succeeding Thami Bolani, and former acting CEO Bryan Chaplog was removed by the board. The EAAB said Ms Wilken’s departure was part of a rotation of the office of the acting CEO. Mr Chaplog, who was acting CEO for a few months, resumed the position of chief financial officer and was replaced by Clive Ashpol, the executive manager for education and training.

Mr Sexwale dissolved the board, saying it was dysfunctional.


"To date when a board is supposed to be having 15 members, they are left with three."


Mr Sexwale will hold a summit with estate agents in September.


With Thabang Mokopanele and Sapa

‘Our education system is a wreck’


July 31 2012 at 10:42am Comment on this story AP Nobel literature prize winner Nadine Gordimer poured scorn on South Africa's education system as a wreck over the failure to deliver textbooks to thousands of public schools. Nobel literature prize winner Nadine Gordimer poured scorn on South Africa's education system on Tuesday as “a wreck” over the failure to deliver textbooks to thousands of public schools. The scandal has caused a national furore after leaving more than 5 000 rural schools without textbooks for more than six months of the academic year in a damning measure of South Africa's schooling 18 years into democracy. “Our education system is a wreck. It's a shambles. I can't believe that three-quarters of the year have gone by and so many of our schools, especially in the rural areas, have been without textbooks,” said Gordimer, 88, on SAFM public radio news. “It is the (education) minister's responsibility to see that the books are ordered in time and delivered. How can you teach people to read if there are no books to read from?” President Jacob Zuma is facing increasing calls to fire Education Minister Angie Motshekga. On Monday, he said he was waiting for a final report from a team he appointed to investigate the debacle. The education department was found to have violated students' rights to education after being taken to court and was ordered to remedy the situation. But a probe revealed that 22 percent of schools in the northern Limpopo region were still without learning materials earlier this month despite a scramble by authorities to get the missing books to schools. The criticism by Gordimer, who had several works banned by the apartheid regime, comes after peace laureate Desmond Tutu said democratic icon Nelson Mandela would be reduced to tears if he knew the poor state of public schools. Education is South Africa's single biggest budget item, but schools are hobbled by poor management and low standards. AFP Comments by Sonny Yes Nadine, where have you been hiding all this time...... The 'Old Die Hard Liberals' are getting their 'Rude Awakening!" Pay us or else, Limpopo circuit managers threaten July 31 2012 at 09:00am Comment on this story MOLOKO MOLOTO moloko.moloto@inl.co.za CIRCUIT managers in Limpopo are threatening to take the Basic Education Department to court over what they say are outstanding travel payments for circuit officials. The province’s 134 circuit managers are alleged to be owed thousands of rand in unpaid travel claims. Allegedly, some of the claims date back to May. “We are not even sure that they will pay us for July. Yet we are still expected to visit schools regularly,” said a circuit manager in the Mopani district. There are now fears that both circuit managers and curriculum advisers intend to stop travelling to schools until they get paid. If this happens, there is likely to be no supervision of curriculum implementation, according to circuit managers. “Every circuit manager will contribute R1 000, which will make it R134 000. We will then take the Basic Education Department to court,” said the Mopani district manager. “The provincial department is no longer in charge,” a manager from Waterberg added. The provincial education department was placed under national administration in December for alleged poor governance and financial mismanagement. Basic Education Department spokesman Panyaza Lesufi yesterday referred queries to Pat Kgomo, his provincial counterpart. However, Kgomo could not be reached and he did not return calls and text messages. The Star spoke to eight circuit managers in all the five districts – Mopani, Waterberg, Vhembe, Sekhukhune and Capricorn, and they all expressed similar frustrations. All requested to remain anonymous for fear of possible victimisation. “If curriculum advisers don’t moderate year marks, this will have an impact on the final examinations even for matric pupils,” said a circuit manager in Waterberg. He said curriculum advisers were responsible for monitoring the continuous assessments policy, which relates to the pupils’ scores at schools throughout the year. Circuit managers claimed they had had a meeting with the new administrator, Mzwandile Matthews, in May to explain their frustrations about the non-payment of travel claims. But some of their claims had still not been paid, they said. “After our meeting with him, some of us were paid for February until April, but nothing for May and June,” a manager from Waterberg said. “Some of us are going to have our cars repossessed by financial institutions because we can’t keep up with monthly repayments,” he added. “We spend 60 percent of our time visiting and supervising schools in our job,” said another manager from Vhembe. Currently, managers used their own money to travel to schools, but this was not sustainable, they said. “We are South Africans, we can’t just give up. But the day we decide not to visit schools, it will be because we can’t afford to,” he said. The managers also complained about the department’s decision to reduce their payment rates, allegedly without consulting them first. “Some of us were expecting R11 500 for the February to April payments, but I was paid R7 500 instead,” said a manager from Sekhukhune. A colleague from Vhembe said: “They now limit us to travel 1 750km a month instead of the initial 2 500km. This means if you exceed the new limit, you are on your own,” adding that this made it difficult to visit all the schools in his district. IOL Comments by Sonny If President does not fire the Education Minister and Blade Nzimande now, then, he is a Pussy!! Oh, sorry, he is waiting for his "Task Force Report!" The Government is eating cake, while, the Schools are burning....! Confucius say, child with no book, must look after cattle!

Monday, July 30, 2012

‘Bank robber behind BEE deal’

‘Bank robber behind BEE deal’ Jul 23 2012 6:10AM ‘Bank robber behind BEE deal’ DEAL MAKER? Gayton McKenzie. Picture: GALLO IMAGES 36 22 PrintMailShareRate this Article | Barry Sergeant For nearly two years, Nick Holland, the CEO of Gold Fields, has resolutely refused to be interviewed on a multibillion–rand “black economic empowerment” (BEE) deal that went down at Gold Fields during the 2010 World Cup. The 2010 Gold Fields annual report would show that the BEE deal cost Gold Fields, on its numbers, R2.1bn ($298m). The deal was seen by specialist analysts and sophisticated investors as exceptional, in that shares and assets involved in the BEE deal appeared to be simply donated by Gold Fields. There have been few mining BEE deals in South Africa where the BEE party is simply gifted, and none when the gift is worth billions of rands. By far the main outcome of the 2010 Gold Fields BEE deal was the award of new order mining rights for South Deep, the gold mine situated west of Johannesburg. In Gold Fields’s first big BEE deal, signed in 2004, Mvelaphanda Resources agreed to pay, and did indeed pay, R4.1bn for 15% of Gold Fields’s domestic assets. In the South Deep BEE deal, billions of rands worth of Gold Fields assets and shares were simply given away. TIGHT-LIPPED: Gold Fields CEO Nick Holland. Picture: GALLO IMAGES Gold Fields ranks as a global Tier I gold producer, and one of the world’s top five gold producers by output. During 2011, Gold Fields paid its top executives R135.7m in aggregate; of this, R32.7m was paid to Holland. When Holland took over the CEO’s office at Gold Fields on May 1, 2008, Gold Fields was trading around $15 a share on the New York Stock Exchange. Today it trades around $12 a share; as such it is not clear why Holland and his fellow executives are being paid such extreme amounts of remuneration. Compared to other Tier I global gold stocks such as Barrick, Goldcorp and AngloGold Ashanti, Gold Fields has underperformed, raising further questions over the quantum of bounty paid to Gold Fields’s top brass. While Holland has refused to be interviewed over the 2010 BEE deal, which hinged mainly around South Deep, he permitted two of his internal spinmeisters, Sven Lunsche and Willie Jacobsz, to speak to the press. The two conceded that the 2010 Gold Fields BEE deal had, in effect, been marketed by Gayton McKenzie, a convicted bank robber. According to Lunsche and Jacobsz, “advocate Jerome Brauns and Gayton McKenzie were requested by the Gold Fields executive to prepare proposals for a consortium of groups of individuals that could be included” in the BEE deal. Lunsche and Jacobsz also referred to “Gayton McKenzie (Pty) Ltd”, apparently ignorant of the fact that a convict may not own a company. Lunsche and Jacobsz also conceded that Kenny Kunene, a convicted fraudster, was “an associate” of McKenzie, and that Kunene “amongst others, accompanied” Brauns and/or McKenzie to certain meetings. It was quickly added that “Kunene was never employed by Gold Fields in any capacity”. Another unusual aspect of the South Deep BEE deal was that it overtly involved certain politicians, such as Baleka Mbete, who has served as speaker of the national assembly and also as deputy president of South Africa, and certain other prominent names, such as Ashwin Willemse, who once played rugby for South Africa. When Lunsche and Jacobsz were asked about certain other names thought to be secretly embedded in the South Deep BEE deal, they replied, elliptically, that “there is no regulation or other requirement that these names be disclosed to anyone but our shareholders and the individuals were happy with this disclosure. Further disclosure would require their consent. “However, the Gold Fields board was fully appraised of who these individuals are, were satisfied that they met the requirements for participation as determined by the board, and approved their participation. “Furthermore, Gold Fields’s shareholders had every opportunity to inspect the names prior to the special general meeting” that was called to approve the South Deep BEE deal. One sophisticated investor asked of the South Deep BEE deal: “Why the secrecy? Why should all the benefits not go to the poor of SA, the people for whom the ANC have struggled?” Lunsche and Jacobsz conceded that the South Deep BEE deal was celebrated at a dinner held at Johannesburg’s ZAR Club, which had prominently featured McKenzie and particularly Kunene in various adventures. In one article, the New York Times reported that “Kunene, a former gangster turned businessman, gave what he called ‘the mother of all parties’. “As the revellers got tipsy on his liquor, he says he treated the most important among them – including Zizi Kodwa, President Jacob Zuma’s stylish spokesperson, and Julius Malema, the rabble-rousing leader of the governing party’s youth wing – to $1300 bottles of Dom Pérignon. Like the American rappers he emulates, Kunene him self swigged a bottle of Armand de Brignac champagne that goes for more than $1500 at his posh nightclub, ZAR, perched on the roof of a five-star hotel.” Another highly unusual feature of the South Deep BEE deal was that it started generating cash for the BEE structure at a very early stage. According to Gold Fields’s 2010 financial statements, 0.6 million Gold Fields shares were issued by Gold Fields “to broad-based BEE partners on December 23, 2010”. The shares were immediately sold and generated R73m in net cash, released as a dividend into the BEE structure. Within months of striking the South Deep BEE deal, certain BEE shareholders were in the cash. “Normal” shareholders in South Deep would have waited more than 20 years to receive their first dividend. Mine building at the South Deep site started in 1995. According to Gold Fields, the mine is now set to reach full production during 2015, two decades after the mine build commenced. However, the upfront dividend deal for certain BEE shareholders does not stand alone. The “normal” dividend component of the South Deep BEE deal is a cumulative preferential dividend of R20m a year for the first 10 years, R13.3m a year for the next five years, and R6.7m for the next five years, paid from the profits of South Deep. Lunsche and Jacobsz have also refused to elaborate on the role of Gerald “Brinkley” Holden, who appears to be some kind of a foreign consultant who jets into South Africa from time to time. Holden was “not directly” involved in the South Deep BEE transaction, according to Lunsche and Jacobsz, and “is not a beneficiary of the transaction”. This correspondent has confirmed with at least one CEO of a listed South African mining company that he was approached by Holden, with the promise that Holden would “solve” any permitting problems. A London-based mining analyst recalls that “the whole (South Deep BEE) thing is very strange”. Gold Fields reported a significant BEE deal but at the quarterly results presentation back in 2010, it was hardly mentioned; “if you have any interest in the deal”, we were told (by Nick Holland), “please join our financial director in the room next door after the presentation”. Even among professional audiences, Holland has been loath to discuss the South Deep BEE deal. The London-based analyst noted that while the South Deep BEE deal “was billed as 2% dilution only, but that is clearly not the whole story. “In a document sent out later, the company admitted that the South Deep stake is probably being sold at a 60% discount”. In other words, Gold Fields’s calculation that the deal had cost Gold Fields R2.1bn was likely understated by at least R1bn. The London-based analyst was highly critical of the South Deep BEE deal: “The BEE parties in this equation carry zero risk – all the other shareholders in Gold Fields carry the risk. Whichever way you look at it, Gold Fields gives away a chunk of the company and pays people on an annual basis to have these stakes. Gold Fields gets nothing.” One sophisticated, long–term, shareholder in Gold Fields slammed the South Deep BEE deal, arguing that there was “no respect for the value of capital. There are huge implicit donations; shares are being gifted – Gold Fields receives no capital.” McKenzie and Kunene first rose to prominence in the gold mining sector at Johannesburg- and London-listed Central Rand Gold (CRG). Between 2006 and the end of 2011, CRG raised $230m in cash from investors; its latest annual financial statements reflected cash of just $5m. CRG has been a disaster, with a wake behind it of shattered promises. CRG’s 2007 annual report shows that McKenzie was granted 250000 stock options, far more than any other employee (excluding directors); next highest were grants of 50000 options. The options were awarded at a penny a share, when CRG was trading up around £1.40 a share. The stock has since lost 99% of its value, and currently trades at less than a penny a share. The award of options indicated that CRG, which set out promising that it would be producing 1 million ounces of gold a year, regarded a one-time bank robber as by far its most valuable manager. Kunene was awarded a more modest 30000 options, and later, another 20000, suggesting that as in the case of Gold Fields, he played second fiddle to McKenzie. In astonishing, possibly record-breaking, time, On September 17, 2008, CRG was awarded a package of coveted “new order” mining rights. CRG’s audited financial statements show that in the past six years, nearly $100m has been spent on non-mining expenditure: tens of millions of dollars went on pay and bonuses for directors; further tens of millions of dollars went on other expenses, mainly “accommodation” and “travel”, and yet further tens of millions of dollars on unnamed consultants. The New Age Comments by Sonny No wonder the SA Prisons are almost empty. Between the ANC and BEE aal the Bank Robbers & other Thugs have been recruited into the mining sector. Now we only need Malema to Nationalise all the MINES.

Selebi case like a crime novel


By Karen Allan BBC News, Johannesburg Continue reading the main story Related Stories Former SA police chief convicted Ex-Interpol man denies corruption SA abolishes crime-fighting unit The trial of Jackie Selebi - South Africa's first black police chief - has gripped the nation. Sharing the stage in what reads like a John Le Carre novel was a mafia drugs boss, a mining magnate and multi-millionaire Zimbabwean businessman. A witness wept on the stand, there were allegations of money being handed over in brown paper bags and spy games. Intrigue, obfuscation and patronage have characterised the case. In the end though - despite his political links, Selebi has been left crestfallen: Guilty of corruption on an obscene scale. Continue reading the main story JACKIE SELEBI 1987: Head of ANC Youth League 1991: In charge of repatriating ANC exiles 1994: Elected MP 1995: South Africa's ambassador to UN 2000: Appointed police chief 2004: Elected Interpol president 2008: Charged with corruption, resigns as Interpol head, suspended as SA police chief 2009: Denies charges at start of trial 2010: Found guilty of corruption SA's controversial ex-police chief At the end of the case, Judge Meyer Joffe said: "Every day society in general relies on the honesty and truthfulness of policemen and women… It is not an example that must be emulated by members of the Saps [South African Police Service]." As he points out, this case speaks of so much more than Selebi, a man who helped shape the geopolitics of the new South Africa, being seduced by cash, fine dining and gifts of the latest designer suits. It is about cronyism and the politicisation of South Africa's intelligence services as it confronts the fight against crime. When charges were laid against Selebi, it came at one of the most turbulent times in South African politics. It was 2007 and the power struggle between then-President Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, who was to succeed him, was reaching fever pitch. 'Hung out to dry' Selebi enjoyed a close relationship with Mr Mbeki and had thought himself immune from prosecution when questions started emerging about his dubious friendship with Glenn Agliotti - a convicted drug baron. Continue reading the main story “ Start Quote Throughout that period we as journalists could mark when our intelligence services began to be politicised and when crime fighting began to be politicised” Journalist Ferial Haffajee But according to Ferial Haffajee, who was the editor of the Mail and Guardian newspaper at the time, Selebi was "hung out to dry". The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), which resisted pressure to back down and endured politically inspired changes of personnel at the top, was against the odds finally able to bring the case to court. Selebi, as head of the police, was among those behind the dismantling of the elite investigation unit known as the Scorpions, which under the stewardship of the NPA, was charged with investigating some of the country's biggest crimes. In 2008 when president, Thabo Mbeki suspended Mr Selebi as police chief He claimed that having an elite body separate from the police would undermine the fight against crime and that its officers colluded with Western intelligence agencies bent on undermining South Africa's sovereignty. And in the long competition between the Scorpions and the police, it was the police who won. The Scorpions have now been disbanded and replaced by what many consider a less robust crime fighting team - the Hawks. But Selebi always maintained that he was a victim of "malicious prosecution" because of this rivalry between the two forces. 'No free lunch' "Throughout that period we as journalists could mark when our intelligence services began to be politicised and when crime fighting began to be politicised," says Ms Haffajee. It was then that the "turf war between Scorpions and cops became very damaging", she says. Continue reading the main story “ Start Quote We need to ask ourselves as South Africans whether the police have the capability to fight crime and fight corruption in the police” Adriaan Basson, author Although Mr Mbeki is no longer president, there are some serious questions for the current administration. For example on the appointment of political figures to senior positions within the civil service and in particular the police. Adriaan Basson who is writing a book about the Selebi case, has warned President Zuma to take note. "A lot of the people who were protective and loyal to Jackie Selebi are still in the police," warns Mr Basson. "They are also very senior in the intelligence services, and so we need to ask ourselves as South Africans whether the police have the capability to fight crime and fight corruption in the police." Every legal tool was used to try to stall the trial but in the end it proved futile. Judge Joffe concluded there was no evidence of an agreement that Agliotti benefited from his friendship with Selebi - in other words there was no signed contract between them. But Selebi must have known that there is no such thing as a "free lunch", he said. It is a lesson that many are hoping the new South Africa remembers well. More on This Story Related Stories Former SA police chief convicted 02 JULY 2010, AFRICA Ex-Interpol man denies corruption 05 OCTOBER 2009, AFRICA SA abolishes crime-fighting unit 23 OCTOBER 2008, AFRICA SA extends police chief contract 26 JUNE 2008, AFRICA Country profile: South Africa 21 JUNE 2011, COUNTRY PROFILES Related Internet links Mail & Guardian South African Police Service NPA BBC Jackie Selebi and his ANC cronies have now turned the SAPS into a "FOOLS PARADE!" 'Brigadier' draai polisie 'n rat voor die oë 2012-07-29 13:01 Verwante skakels Polisie moet eie kantore skoonmaak Meer as 10 000 polisiebeamptes depressief SAPD waarsku teen fop-polisie in Vrystaat Johannesburg – 'n Bedrieër wat deur die departement van binnelandse sake dood verklaar is, het die polisie laat glo dat hy 'n brigadier van die Valke is, berig die Sunday Independent. Die man is in hegtenis geneem vir verskeie misdade voor hy hom voorgedoen het as 'n polisieman. Hy is selfs toegelaat om polisiemotors en ander hulpbronne te gebruik terwyl hy ander misdadigers ondersoek het. McIntosh Polela, woordvoerder van die Valke, het aan die koerant gesê 'n man wat homself brig. Musa Khumalo noem, word ondersoek. "Hy het 'n uniform in sy besit. In so 'n geval sal juniorbeamptes weinig 'n persoon vra om sy rang te bewys." 'n Lasbrief vir die man se inhegtenisneming is intussen uitgereik. Khumalo beweer hy is deur lt.genl. Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, waarnemende polisiehoof, na KwaZulu-Natal gestuur. Volgens die koerant het hy gehelp met die inhegtenisneming van Sibusiso Gcabashe, wat hom voorgedoen het as die ontslape musikant Sibusiso Gcabashe. SAPA SINCE BEING RELEASED FROM PRISON JACKIE SELEBI HAS STOPPED ALL TREATMENT OF HIS TERMINAL SICKNESS........ Selebi daag nie op vir behandeling 2012-07-30 08:46 Verwante skakels Selebi ‘nié voorgetrek’ Selebi het lang lys paroolvoorwaardes Selebi-besluit binne perke van die wet Johannesburg – Jackie Selebi, voormalige polisiekommissaris, het ‘n week lank nie vir dialise-behandeling by die Steve Biko- akademiese hospitaal aangemeld nie, lui ‘n berig. The New Age berig Selebi, wat elke tweede dag dialise moet ondergaan, is ‘n week gelede laas behandel. Die koerant het nie sy bronne bekendgemaak nie. Die koerant het die oud-polisiehoof se huis geskakel en ‘n ongeïdentifiseerde vrou het gesê Selebi sterk by die huis aan. Sy het nie gesê of Selebi ‘n ander mediese fasiliteit vir sy behandeling gekry het nie. Selebi is twee weke gelede mediese parool toegestaan en is nou onder huisarres. Hy is in 2010 op aanklag van korrupsie skuldig bevind en later tot 15 jaar tronkstraf gevonnis. James Selfe, woordvoerder vir die DA, sê dis onwaarskynlik dat Selebi ‘n dialise-masjien by sy huis kan aanhou, aangesien hy die staat R17 miljoen se regsfooie skuld. “Ek dink nie dis moontlik vir hom om die behandeling by die huis te kry nie, aangesien die dialise-masjiene wat hulle gebruik, baie duur is.” Luidens die berig is dit moontlik dat Selebi sy polisie- mediese fonds gebruik om dialise by ‘n ander gesondheidsfasiliteit te kry. SAPA Comments by Sonny HOW LONG CAN THE ANC LAST BEFORE IT IMPLODES?

EENDRAGT MAAKT MAGT


Never in the history of independent nations, have a people's leader and his cronies betrayed and thrown away their nation's independence so utterly, completely and totally, to be wiped out of existence. Never in the history of mankind, has a nation's military and civilian establishment so willy-nilly agreed to sell out everything, but everything it owned and built up over more than 300 years, to its enemies, to be run down and destroyed. Never in the history of free peoples, has a strong people so needlessly given away its strength and the strongest defence force on the the whole of a dark and brutal continent, so its defenceless men, women and children can be killed, shot, beaten, raped, assaulted and driven off their land with impunity and abandon. Never in the six or so millenia of our recorded human past, has such a betrayal and sell-out as was engineered by FW de Klerk and the Broederbond in South Africa in 1994 happened without any credible threat, without losing a war, without a real emergency. Purely on the absolute selfishness, amoral greed, venal arrogance and unbelievable stupidity of the ruling clique, to whom its people had given their trust and all, and often life and limb. It's now history. It happened, there's nothing we can do to make it undone. Those who try, end up betrayed all over again, thrown in prison, found guilty of high treason, and incarcerated for the rest of their lives. And we, the defenceless people, facing the creeping genocide all around us, are basically just waiting our turn to be 'serviced' by the ruling regime and its rampant, armed henchmen. Those, that is, who have not been run out of the country altogether,like so many of our children. Or who are lying six feet underground. Which is, come to think of it, not a bad place to be in, under the so-called New South Africa we were dumped in by the threacherous Latter-Day Nats and the conniving Broederbond gespuis. At least the company is better... Sela. Willem Ratte - Seconded Billy Cox Comments by Sonny WE CAN TURN BACK A PAGE - WE WILL NEVER TURN BACK HISTORY!!

Sunday, July 29, 2012

World Record Gold For Cameron





Cameron van der Burgh © Action Images


Van der Burgh bags gold medal

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

29 July 2012, 21:18


Cameron van der Burgh smashed the world record to become the first South African men's swimming Olympic champion in winning the 100m breaststroke gold medal on Sunday.

Click here to visit our Olympics site.

Van der Burgh burnt off a crack field, including two-time defending Olympic champion Kosuke Kitajima, to shatter the world record in 58.46sec.

Van der Burgh improved the previous record of 58.58 set by Australian Brenton Rickard on July 27, 2009 at the world championships in Rome.

Australian Christian Sprenger took silver and American Brendan Hansen claimed bronze.

The South African couldn't wipe the smile off his face as he sprawled out on the lane rope taking in what was the swim of his career.

"It's a feeling I can't describe right now, it has been a lot of work in the making. Everything has paid off tonight," he said.

"If there is such a thing as the perfect race, I think I swam it at the right time tonight.

"I don't really care about the world record, once you have become an Olympic champion that can never be taken away from you.

"I can tell my kids when they are watching one day that I did that."

Van der Burgh paid tribute to Norwegian world champion swimmer Alexander Dale Oen, who died of heart failure last April while at a training camp in Flagstaff, Arizona, ahead of the London Olympics.

"I just have to pay tribute to Alexander Oen tonight, I know he has been with me this year, I think he helped me finish the race in such a strong manner," van der Burgh said.

"Alexander pushed me in training, it made me realise I had to go faster to win the gold medal, that is what we trained for and that is what we have achieved."

Kitajima finished fifth, failing in his bid to become the first male swimmer to win the same event at three successive Games.

"I wanted to defend the title, but it was really tough and I enjoyed trying to do it," Kitajima said.

"It was a really tough race and I needed the world record to win, I didn't have the ability to be honest. I will do my best in the 200m."

Veteran American Hansen, 30, a world champion in the event five years ago, was thrilled to snare the bronze medal.

"That was as fast as I can go, I was pleased with the outcome. I couldn't go any faster," the Texan said.

© Sapa

Auditors intimidated, instructed to cover up corruption: report


Sapa | 29 July, 2012 10:56 Cash. File photo. Image by: Reuben Goldberg Auditors examining municipalities have been intimidated and instructed to cover up evidence of corruption, the Internal Audit Association of SA said. "In some cases, auditors are given instructions that 'you will sweep this under the carpet,'" Claudelle von Eck, the association's CEO, was quoted as saying in the Sunday Independent. "It becomes worrying because internal auditors are meant to be the whistle-blowers." She said some members had reported intimidation, but the association had no power to intervene. Auditor General Terence Nombembe revealed on Monday that only 5% of municipalities obtained clean audit reports in the 2011/2012 financial year. Nombembe said he was excited that six new municipalities had joined the clean audit category, taking the number to 13. The municipalities with clean audits were in KwaZulu-Natal, Limpopo, Mpumalanga, and the Western Cape. None of the municipalities in the Eastern Cape, Free State, Gauteng, Northern Cape and North West received clean audit reports. Nombembe said almost half (45%) obtained unqualified audit reports, but with concerns. These municipalities received unqualified reports after corrections during the audit process. Among the issues identified as a challenge were procurement, service delivery, and errors in financial information. None of the country's metros received clean audits while 13% of municipalities did not submit financial statements in time for auditing. There are currently 343 municipalities in the country. Nomembe commended municipalities which were putting in an effort to obtain clean audit statements. "They are moving forward towards the clean audit space by consistently committing to take ownership of municipal performance practices, insisting on adequately qualified staff and effective performance management practices," said Nombembe. Times Live Political killings not about dominance, but about the dough: SAIRR Sapa | 29 July, 2012 14:08 Political killings in South Africa are not about political dominance but about getting to the trough first. "Some of these guys literally come out of severe poverty and if they get kicked out they will be back there." said deputy CEO of the SA Institute of Race Relations Frans Cronje. "The stakes are high... it's about money." The number of politicians murdered the past five years has escalated, especially between 2010 and 2012. KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga seem to be the worst affected -- with 41 and five killed respectively. Around the country, at least 46 officials from various political parties have been gunned down around the country. Cronje said: "Yes South Africa is a democracy... but I can't think of another country that has this problem. "We [the institute] have been hard pressed to find a single person killed over an idea. It all depends on tenders and corruption." He said the issue had been swept under the carpet for far too long and was something that would become very controversial in the next five years. Historically, KwaZulu-Natal has been a test-bed since the late 80s, and to this day it is still seen as a political killing ground. ANC KwaZulu-Natal secretary Sihle Zikalala said the party had quite a few officials killed in the last two years, but was difficult to pinpoint motives. "We have called for serious interventions to crack all these cases. It's destabilising the party." Zikalala said the ANC did not want to accuse another political party, especially not before a full investigation was conducted. IFP MP Albert Mncwango said political tension in KwaZulu-Natal was because of the IFP breakaway group the National Freedom Party. Mncwango said quite a number of councillors in his party had been killed the past five years. "A rough figure, which is subject to verification, is around 10. We believe it was always politically motivated," he said. "They took place especially around the Natal Midlands and these murders escalated when there were internal ructions which gave rise to the NFP." Former IFP chairwoman Zanele Magwaza-Msibi and her backers launched the new opposition to the IFP in January 2011. The NFP has said 22 of its members have been murdered since its launch. Many of these murders had been blamed on the IFP. Mncwango said this was unfortunate. "In all their murders, that they say are politically motivated, I can't think of any IFP member who has been apprehended." NFP general secretary Nhlanhla Khubisa said the party had never blamed other political parties for the spate of murders. "We say it’s politically motivated because it started immediately when the party was formed and of course in some cases there was some kind of political intolerance." Khubisa did however say that it was not NFP members killing other NFP members. "We a threat to somebody, somewhere." So is political intolerance in South Africa too high? According to Zikalala it is. "It is a problem and the problem of political assassinations is a serious one," he said. Mncwango said there was a new brand of political intolerance in the country. It was no longer about parties defending their political strongholds. "We have a new kind of political intolerance which has to do with tenderpreneurship," he said. "This is becoming a huge influence in politics and a source of internal ructions in parties." Because the IFP was not running government it did not hand out tenders and so it had minimal infighting, said Mncwango. Zikalala said the problem surrounding tenders could not be ruled out but that would form part of the ANC's investigation into the reason for political murders. Khubisa said there needed to be a change of mind set amongst members of political parties across the political landscape. "At some point some kind of political education is needed across all parties," he said. Five politicians have also been murdered in Mpumalanga since 2007. There have been allegations of a hit list circulating in the province which had the names of provincial politicians on it. The list apparently targeted people who stood in the way of access to 2010 Soccer World Cup tenders. It was said to be compiled, funded and executed by ANC members. Two people, Jimmy Mohlala and Sammy Mpatlanyane, whose names were on the alleged hit list, had been murdered in 2009 and 2010. Cronje concluded that ANC policy was killing off parts of the party. "Look at the ANC... money has brought it to where it is." Material gain, said Cronje, went hand in hand with politics. This was especially true in a country such as South Africa where the previously poor were now in power. "The fight for tenders is desperate," Cronje said. Times Live Ghost members haunt ANC MAYIBONGWE MAQHINA and AMUKELANI CHAUKE | 18 July, 2012 00:06 An ANC flag A membership verification process in the Eastern Cape ANC has revealed "ghost members" in the party's branches. SAVE & SHARE EMAILPRINT The party has now ordered branches to reconvene their annual general meetings. Provincial and national party bosses said yesterday that dead people were signed up as new members to create branches that existed only on paper. This emerged as the appeals committee, led by national executive committee members Fikile Xasa and Mnyamezeli Booi, met to consider appeals from branch members about annual general meetings. Provincial spokesman Mlibo Qoboshiyane said the committee was expected to finalise the complaints yesterday so that pre-registration for conferences could start on Monday and the conferences the next weekend. "It is clear there are people who signed for others though those people had died," he said, adding that some members swore affidavits to regarding "ghost" members. While Eastern Cape battles with ghosts membership, other provinces have party list problems. In North West, provincial leaders are said to be behind the launch of parallel branches. A provincial executive council member, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said: "I think there are more than 15 [parallel branches] in the province. "They are even going to the extent of launching a parallel structure with a membership form of a person who died, so you can see how serious these people are. "Someone died and they took a membership form of that person and launched a branch," the concerned member said. He said that when the ANC's national working committee met in the party's Dr Kenneth Kaunda region on Sunday and Monday, senior leaders slammed provincial officials who are alleged to be behind the launching of parallel structures, which he said was tantamount to "dirty lobbying". "During the visit of the committee, it was said, even the deputy president [Kgalema Motlanthe] said it was a concern that provincial general council members are launching parallel structures, and that provincial leaders are campaigning regional structures. "He said it when he was making closing remarks that leaders of the ANC are the ones who are to blame for parallel structures. "I got a report yesterday that a regional secretary launched a branch at a tavern with eight people. And [to start an] ANC branch you need 100 people, and eight people were called over to sign a register. It can't be correct," the concerned member said. Makonde Mathivha, spokesman for the ANC in Limpopo, said that though there were no current reports of members launching parallel or "ghost" branches now, but had experienced problems leading up to the provincial conference in December. "In the main, we had major problems in the Waterberg region. We had so many branches that had parallel structures and in certain but limited instances in Vhembe," he said. Dumisa Ntuli, a spokesman for the ANC in Gauteng, said the province did not have the same problems as experienced in the Eastern Cape as they checked their data base regularly. "We are very much aware of what people are up to, that is why we clean up our membership data system now and again. "We don't want to have 'ghost' members taking part in our meetings," he said. Abe Bekeer, the ANC's deputy chairman in Western Cape, said an auditing team from Luthuli House, the ANC head office in Johannesburg, had not yet started work in the province. Times Live Motshekga gets an 'F' after textbook saga Sibusiso Ngalwa, Gearge Matlala and Sibongakonke Shoba | 29 July, 2012 08:46 UNDER FIRE: Angie Motshekga The ANC has turned against Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga, with members of its powerful national executive committee slamming her poor handling of the Limpopo textbooks saga and some calling for her sacking. RELATED NEWS Angie's woes mount Motshekga knew textbooks were insufficient: report Yesterday, senior members of the NEC, meeting behind closed doors in Irene, near Pretoria, tore into her failure to deal with the crisis. This came as the party's national working committee (NWC) suggested she was incapable of resolving the crisis. ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe set the tone on the first day of the party's four-day NEC lekgotla when he called for a frank discussion about the nondelivery of textbooks - warning that the party could not afford "to be found wanting in dealing with crisis points in society". The Limpopo crisis dominated the meeting, with the general mood being that Motshekga had failed in an area identified as the number one priority for President Jacob Zuma's government. This places Zuma in a difficult position as he may feel compelled to act against a potential ally - who is also the president of the influential ANC Women's League - just months before the ANC's Mangaung national conference where the president hopes to be re-elected. In his opening remarks at the meeting, Zuma is said to have been lenient with Motshekga, saying the crisis could not be blamed on an individual and that the party needed a holistic response to it. But this did not stop NEC members from calling for her sacking, with Gauteng provincial secretary David Makhura telling an NEC commission on governance that the textbook crisis exposed a "complete failure" of leadership in the Department of Basic Education. Motshekga came under more fire in commissions at the lekgotla and theNWC suggested that she was incapable of resolving the crisis. Delivering an NWC report at the start of the NEC meeting, Mantashe warned that the textbooks saga was affecting the ANC government's image. "The NEC is expected to debate and resolve the Limpopo books debacle. The crisis in Limpopo raises serious questions about the capacity and orientation of the national department's intervention in other spheres of government. On the same matter of national intervention in provinces, it is vital that the NEC discusses progress or lack thereof in the intervention in the Eastern Cape education crisis," he said. "We cannot be found wanting in dealing with crisis points in society," said Mantashe. Motshekga, who was one of only two ministers asked to present progress reports to the meeting, attempted to shift the blame to companies contracted to deliver books. She is, however, said to have admitted that it had been a mistake to hire a company which did not have the capacity to deliver the books. Participants of the meeting said that Motshekga's progress report painted an even more dire picture of the crisis in public education. The minister also rubbished a damning report by University of the Witwatersrand Professor Mary Metcalfe, saying it was "inaccurate". Metcalfe led one of three government-initiated task teams to investigate the non-delivery of school books in Limpopo. Although she appointed Metcalfe, Motshekga was clearly not happy with her final report, which found that the department had misled the nation when it claimed that 98% of books had been delivered to schools by the end of June. One NEC member told the Sunday Times: "She said Metcalfe's conclusions were not correct ... because schools had been closed in Limpopo and she doesn't understand how Metcalfe came to that conclusion. She said the sample used by Metcalfe was not a fair reflection of the situation." The NEC member predicted that Zuma would have to move Motshekga to another department in a reshuffle necessitated by the recent election of Home Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma as African Union Commission chairwoman. "It's clear that she must go ... but I don't think JZ will drop her from the cabinet because she is the women's league president. After she spoke, there was consensus among comrades that she had failed. "Makhura was frank in one of the commissions. He said Angie is just making excuses ... the textbook debacle shows a complete failure of leadership in dealing with the issue," said the NEC member. Another NEC member who attended the meeting said: "The reports were clear ... she must go. Everybody here feels that she must leave. Even Zuma supporters are finding it very difficult to defend her." Among those who openly laid into Motshekga were ANC Youth League acting secretary-general Kenetswe Mosenogi, who told one commission yesterday that the minister must resign. Apparently Mosenogi said Motshekga was undermining the ANC government's commitment to education. "She said the minister must do a noble thing and resign [as] she did not hold anyone accountable and did not take responsibility for the crisis. She said Angie must apologise to the nation," according to another ANC leader. The lekgotla ends today. Times Live Local governments spend nearly R250m on consultants: report Sapa | 29 July, 2012 11:59 Rand notes. Image by: Russell Roberts / Financial Mail South African municipalities spent nearly R250 million on consultants to help them prepare financial statements last year. The Sunday Independent reported that in 90% of the municipalities, there were no vacancies in the finance department, but consultants were hired anyway, the Auditor General noted in a recent report. KwaZulu-Natal spent R79.8 million on consultants, with an average of R1.9 million per municipality. In the Free State, 24 of the 27 municipalities spent R32m on consultants, a 6% increase on the previous year. Limpopo's 22 municipalities spent R23 million on consultants. Municipalities relied heavily on consultants who did not have the skills required to assist them, the newspaper reported. In other instances, consultants were hired at the last minute and supplied with incorrect data. Times Live Comments by Sonny Are these ghost members being accused of ANC crime and corruption or were these members perhaps recruited in our prisons and given remissions for future deployments? Third Force or Hidden Agenda's? Love your Country but fear the agents of your Government.

Murders rock ANC



2012-07-29 10:00 Uriel Abrahamse Galleries · User Galleries · News in Pictures Send us your pictures · Send us your stories Related Links Witness to Mkhize shooting dies Corruption, political killings linked – alliance partners Stop killing fellow workers – Juju ANC fears Sibiya murder suspect will be killed Reward offered for councillor’s killers Paddy Harper, Mmanaledi Mataboge and Sizwe sama Yende Twelve political hits on party leaders since 2009 spark panic before Mangaung The ANC is panicking about a spate of assassinations and has assembled a task team that could result in a nationwide investigation. City Press has learnt that the governing party has appointed its deputy general manager, Uriel Abrahamse, to investigate the conviction of former Rustenburg mayor Matthews Wolmarans, who was found guilty of masterminding ANC councillor Moss Phakoe’s murder. This comes five months before the ANC’s elective conference in Mangaung. ANC Secretary-General Gwede Mantashe ordered the investigation. On Thursday, the party’s national executive committee (NEC) discussed the matter of party-related killings. Recent acts of political violence within the ANC – caused by competition over resources, corruption and factionalism – are upping political temperatures, and creating suspicion and mistrust. While there is no official tally of assassinations or outbreaks of political violence, a City Press investigation shows that at least 12 current and former ANC leaders have been murdered in three provinces – KwaZulu-Natal, North West and Mpumalanga – since 2009. The number of acts of political violence are much higher and cover almost all the ANC provincial structures around the country, with the Eastern Cape and North West worst hit by comrade-on-comrade violence. Violent ANC incidents by province ANC Free State chairperson Ace Magashule apparently told the NEC meeting, “comrades set each other up” in murder cases. He is said to have been referring to the murder of Noby Ngombane, who was head of the Free State government’s policy monitoring and evaluation unit. Ngombane was shot dead in March 2005 at his house in Bloemfontein. Magashule reportedly said some ANC leaders could have been serving jail terms for Ngombane’s murder because they were “randomly suspected” simply because they differed with Ngombane politically. After Magashule spoke, “no one said a word”, said an NEC member who attended the meeting. Magashule could not be reached for comment. ANC KwaZulu-Natal secretary Sihle Zikalala told City Press that last weekend’s alliance summit in the province had called for intervention in relation to political deaths. He said his province would be pushing Luthuli House to lobby the police for a more effective investigative approach. “We believe a national team should be appointed to investigate the cases in the province, not only those involving ANC members but political killings affecting all parties,” Zikalala said. ANC spokesperson Jackson Mthembu said he was not prepared to talk about “discussions that are still ongoing in the lekgotla”. The ANC NEC had its annual lekgotla this weekend. Discussions about an investigation into political killings also follows the death this week of KwaZulu-Natal ANC member Nhlakanipho Shabane. He spent almost a month in a coma after being shot in a drive-by shooting that also claimed the life of Hibiscus Coast councillor and ANC Youth League leader Wandile Mkhize. Shabane died in the same week that the case against two alleged killers of ANC Mpumalanga Arts and Culture spokesperson Sammy Mpatlanyane was withdrawn. Mpatlanyane was gunned down in January 2010 for allegedly blowing the whistle on corruption related to the construction of the Mbombela World Cup stadium. The collapse of the Mpatlanyane case may mean that his killers, and those who planned his shooting, will never be brought to book. Other high-profile ANC-linked killings include: » The murder of Ehlanzeni (Mpumalanga) chief whip and mayoral contender John Ndlovu in Thulamahashe in 2011; » The murder of a whistle-blower, Mbombela speaker Jimmy Mohlala, at his home in KaNyamazane in Mpumalanga in 2009; » The murder of Dumisani “Bomber” Ntshangase, a former SACP provincial executive committee member, in Mpumalanga in 2010; » The fatal poisoning of controversial Mpumalanga politician James Nkambule in 2010; » The murder of Mkhize and Shabane in KwaZulu-Natal immediately after last month’s ANC policy conference; and » The murders of ANC eThekwini regional secretary S’bu Sibiya and councillor Wiseman Mshibe. Now ANC provincial leaders and alliance partners are calling for the establishment of a national police task team to probe the killings. KwaZulu-Natal ANC secretary Sihle Zikalala told City Press that apart from the killings of Mshibe, Sibiya, Mkhize and Shabane, at least two other local-level leaders had been killed in disputes at branch level. “A national team with all the necessary resources and dedication should be dealing with these killings. We cannot allow this trend to continue.” Zikalala said the killings and incidents of violence create “instability” through the loss of capable leaders, and the “negative sentiments and perceptions they create in the organisation”. He refused to speculate on the reasons for the killings, but said there were “challenges around greed, challenges around resources and challenges of powermongering”. ANC national spokesperson Keith Khoza said that the final report on the killing of Rustenburg councillor Moss Phakoe – ordered by Matthews Wolmarans and executed by his driver, Enoch Matshaba – would assist in determining if there was a pattern of violence or killings. “The ANC is opposed to any acts of criminality. We would encourage any person with information to come forward and assist the police. They must deal decisively, irrespective of who commits the crime,” Khoza said. “If the investigations by police confirm that the killings are politically motivated and show the motivation behind the killings, the ANC would certainly look into it with a view to addressing the political concerns that may come out of the investigation,” Khoza said. KwaZulu-Natal violence monitor Mary de Haas described the ANC tensions in the province as “dreadful”. “There are long-standing cadres who survived the political violence with Inkatha who are now no longer able to go to night meetings as they fear being attacked,” said De Haas. De Haas says tensions have been related to both leadership tussles and whistle-blowing over corruption at municipal and provincial level. De Haas says the tensions escalate around party and government elections. “People are worried about their safety, especially if they speak out about corruption,” De Haas said. » Tell us what you think: Leave your comment below or comment on our Facebook page or on Twitter @City_Press » Did you know? City Press has an iPad app. Find us in the app store - City Press Read more on: anc | inkatha | mangaung 2012 | mary de haas | kwazulu-natal | corruption political killings CITY PRESS Comments by Sonny The ANC is imploding. They are at WAR WITH EACH OTHER! They have raped the economy, education, poor, youth and democratic structures for far too long! As long as the ANC is in power there will be no transformation in SA! THE PEOPLE WILL OVERCOME!!

FSB probe linked to double killing


FSB probe linked to double killing

( Jana Mrais ) 29 July 2012

The Financial Services Board has been investigating the activities of Herman Pretorius, who allegedly shot his former business partner, Julian Williams, before killing himself on Thursday.
" 'His death is a huge loss. This is a complete loss; a tragedy'Investors are nervously waiting to hear what has happened to their money.

In a letter to clients on Friday

from an Abante Group e-mail address, the company confirmed the death of Pretorius. "We are currently assisting the police with investigation and will provide the necessary feedback to our investors as soon as possible," read the unsigned letter, typed on a white page with no letterhead.

The sender, Tharine Swart, could not be reached for comment and did not respond to messages. Calls to the Abante switchboard were cut of

by the operator.

"We are eager to get some news on our investments," one Western Cape-based broker, who has invested his own and clients' money with Pretorius, said on Friday. "Many people around here have invested a lot of money with him and Polus Capital. I certainly hope our investments will be okay."

Pretorius allegedly shot Williams at the Basileus Capital head office in Cape Town on Thursday afternoon, ending a meeting that lasted about 90 minutes.

He fired two shots at Williams in the boardroom before shooting himself in the head.

Pretorius and Williams previously worked together at Abante Capital, which has reportedly been renamed Polus Capital, until Williams left to start a private equity firm Basileus Capital in 2008 with former Western Cape ANC chairman James Ngculu. Pretorius and some of his clients were also shareholders in Wesizwe Platinum, of which Williams was a founder.

Dawn Mokhobo, chairman of Wesizwe, described the deaths as a "tragedy". Williams, whom she had known for four years, was a "talented, very intelligent" person who could "simplify very complex business issues, particularly on the financial side.

"In board meetings, he would always be fiddling around with his cellphone or computer, which I initially thought was very disrespectful. I soon learnt that he didn't miss a word and, when he opened his mouth, he said things that were very substantial," Mokhobo said. "His death is a huge loss."

While she did not know Pretorius that well, he was an active shareholder in Wesizwe and also represented a group of wealthy investors in the company, Mokhobo said. "He was always a gentleman, and he struck me as a real good person. This is a complete loss; a tragedy."

It is understood there was a dispute between Pretorius and Williams about the non-payment of dividends by Avalloy, a Pelindaba-based manufacturer of superalloys .

According to the Avalloy website, Basileus held a 55% stake in the business through SA Superalloys, in which Pretorius allegedly sold preference shares to clients with the promise of lucrative dividend payouts.

A broker, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said SA Superalloys investors were not paid a promised dividend in March.

The FSB has no evidence that there is a link between Abante Capital, which is not registered with the entity, and Polus Capital, said German Anderson, deputy registrar: financial services providers.


Saturday, July 28, 2012

Mine rights fraud case is 'advanced'


28 July, 2012 22:11
JANA MARAIS
Mine rights fraud case is 'advanced'
Hawks will not disclose timeline in the Sishen investigation. The police investigation into allegations of fraud against politically connected Imperial Crown Trading (ICT), which was controversially awarded a prospecting right over Kumba's Sishen mine, is at an "advanced and sensitive stage", the National Prosecuting


Authority (NPA) said.

IRON FILINGS: Piles of iron ore ready for export at Kumba's mine in Sishen, near Kathu in the Northern Cape. Kumba's black empowerment partnership strategy is paying dividends - both financially and socially Pictures: KEVIN SUTHERLAND Articles
Kumba’s Kolomela mine boosts output forecast

High prices may halt Kumba's African plans

Kumba first half diluted earnings R23,03 vs R28,13 The investigation, which followed charges by Kumba's Sishen Iron Ore (SIOC) in August 2010, was assigned to top prosecutor Glynnis Breytenbach, who withdrew from the case in November last year after a complaint was laid against her by ICT's lawyers.

Business Times understands Breytenbach has been replaced by Paul Louw, another senior advocate with the NPA.

The Hawks will not tie themselves to a timeline on the investigation, spokesman McIntosh Polela said.

"As you know, it's a very complex case. Once the investigation is complete, there will be a decision to prosecute."

ICT, whose directors include deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe's partner Gugu Mtshali and Jagdish Parekh, a business partner of president Jacob Zuma's son Duduzane, is accused of using forged title deeds in its application and lying about the date documents that formed part of its application were submitted to the Kimberley office of the Department of Mineral Resources.

Breytenbach was suspended from the NPA in April on charges relating to the ICT complaint, which her legal team argues is a smokescreen for the real reason: her refusal to drop an investigation into suspended intelligence boss Richard Mdluli.

ICT's allegations of misconduct and an improper relationship between Breytenbach and Kumba's lawyers on the ICT matter were discarded in a Northern Cape High Court ruling by Judge Hennie Lacock in May.

The NPA this week refused to disclose the identity of the prosecutor assigned to the case.

"We are not in a position to disclose names of prosecutors allocated cases which are under investigation by the police," NPA spokesman Mthunzi Mhaga said.

Ronnie Mendelow, ICT's lawyer, said his client will lay criminal charges against SIOC.

The appeal lodged by ICT and the Department of Mineral Resources against a North Gauteng High Court ruling setting aside the awarding of prospecting rights to ICT is unlikely to be heard by the Supreme Court of Appeals before next year. Judge Raymond Zondo ruled in December that SIOC already holds a 100% mining right at Sishen.






Friday, July 27, 2012

Bombshell: Leaked UN Treaty Does Ban Guns


Treacherous wording upholds “States” gun rights but not individuals Aaron Dykes Infowars.com July 26, 2012 The text of the anticipated and hotly-contested United Nations Arms Trade Treaty has been leaked, with the treaty itself set to be adopted and signed by member States as early as tomorrow, July 27. President Obama, today joining the chorus for gun control inside the United States in the wake of the Batman massacre, has previously indicated that he would sign the treaty, which would then have to be ratified by the Senate. Masked behind the language of promoting peace in an international world by preventing genocide, the UN has unleashed a great Trojan Horse that calls upon States to enact national legislation sufficient to meet the minimum goals outlined in this treaty– including gun registries, background checks, import/export controls and more for arms of all types, including small & conventional weapons. “Each State Party shall adopt national legislation or other appropriate national measures regulations and policies as may be necessary to implement the obligations of this Treaty,” the treaty text states in part. It makes specific note that the treaty places no limit upon greater gun control efforts within individual nations, and additionally places no expiration on the agreement. The scope of this language proves the analysis by Infowars (1, 2, 3, 4), writers at Forbes and many other publications that have been warning about this deceptive encroachment to be correct– there is an effort to disarm America underway. The devil, as usual, is in the details. Repeatedly, the treaty obligates States to establish “national control systems” to meet the particulars of the treaty. While the phrase “within national laws and regulations” appears to suggest that the 2nd Amendment would limit the implementation, properly read in the context of the wording and history itself, it really only invites new “regulations” where no “law” can be established. These international goals will undoubtedly pressure changes in the executive branches’ many policies, as we have already seen with the ATF, who are trying to outlaw most types of shotguns, and who separately placed greater reporting burdens on gun shops in the Southwest border states as a response to the Fast & Furious set-up by Eric Holder & co. to demonize and destroy gun ownership. A D V E R T I S E M E N T The first “principle” outlined in the preamble reads: “1. The inherent rights of all States to individual or collective self-defense.” While the language of the treaty appears to recognize the legal right to keep such arms, the text actually recognizes the “inherent right of States” to “individual and collective” self-defense. This is NOT the same as individual persons’ inherent right to keep and bear arms as recognized and enumerated in the United States’ Bill of Rights. Instead, it puts the collectivist unit known as the State above the individual, in complete defiance of the system set-up in the United States. Individual defense for a State, for instance, refers to what is known on the international scene as “unilateral war,” while collective defense is recognize in such actions as that of NATO or other allied bodies. The States’ right to maintain internal order has also been recognized by the UN, but all other purposes for arms ownership are seen as illegitimate. It specifically recognizes [only] the “lawful private ownership and use of conventional arms exclusively for, inter alia, recreational, cultural, historical and sporting activities for States where such ownership and use are permitted or protected by law.” There’s been a great deal of rhetoric from gun grabbers over the years attempting to emphasize gun ownership for legitimate sporting uses, but the real purpose of arms ownership is a balance of power at the individual level in order to discourage tyranny at the State level. THAT is what the founding fathers intended, and that is the historical legacy Americans cherish. NO SPECIFIC PROTECTION for individual persons is contained in this dangerous treaty, though the same media who’ve been demonizing critics of the UN’s effort as delusional and paranoid will attempt to argue otherwise, clinging to deliberately inserted clauses herein that look like stop-guards and protections for gun rights, but properly read, do no such thing. While the UN advises States to keep within the scope of their own laws, the end-run assault against American’s 2nd Amendment is unmistakeable. The text was released two days ago, but has received almost no attention in the press. The International Association for the Protection of Civilian Arms Rights and The Examiner have analyzed the treaty, while pointing out that member states like France have “let slip that their ultimate goal is to regulate legitimately-owned ‘weapons.’” The United Nations has a sordid history of pursuing “general and complete disarmament,” and individual arms including legally owned arms have always been part of that focus. The United Nations treaty from 2001, known as the “SADC Protocol: Southern African Development Community” is, according to the UN’s own disarmament website, a “regional instrument that aims to curtail small arms ownership and illicit trafficking in Southern Africa along with the destruction of surplus state weapons. It is a far-reaching instrument, which goes beyond that of a politically binding declaration, providing the region with a legal basis upon which to deal with both the legal and the illicit trade in firearms.” As we have previously noted, U.S. troops have been trained to confiscate American guns, while the confiscation in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina has already set the precedent. The deception over aiming for legal guns while pretending to target “illicit” weapons is continued here in this 2012 monster treaty. Below is the text in full, as it has been proposed and released. Any changes in the signed version will be noted when that time comes: ———————— UNITED NATIONS ARMS TRADE TREATY TEXT PREAMBLE The States Parties to this Treaty. Guided by the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Recalling that the charter of the UN promotes the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security with the least diversion for armaments of the world’s human and economic resources; Reaffirming the obligation of all State Parties to settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered, in accordance with the Charter of the UN; Underlining the need to prevent, combat and eradicate the illicit trade of conventional arms and to prevent their diversion to illegal and unauthorized end use, such as terrorism and organized crime; Recognizing the legitimate political, security, economic and commercial rights and interests of States in the international trade of conventional arms; Reaffirming the sovereign right and responsibility of any State to regulate and control transfers of conventional arms that take place exclusively within its territory pursuant to its own legal or constitutional systems; Recognizing that development, human rights and peace and security, which are three pillars of the United Nations, are interlinked and mutually reinforcing. Recalling the United Nations Disarmament Commission guidelines on international arms transfers adopted by the General Assembly; Noting the contribution made by the 2001 UN Programme of Action to preventing combating and eradicating the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects, as well as the 2001 Protocol against the illicit manufacturing of and trafficking in Firearms, their parts and components and ammunition, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime; Recognizing the security, social, economic and humanitarian consequences of the illicit trade in and unregulated trade of conventional arms; Recognizing the challenges faced by victims of armed conflict and their need for adequate care, rehabilitation and social and economic inclusion; Bearing in mind that the women and children are particularly affected in situations of conflict and armed violence; Emphasizing that nothing in this treaty prevents States from exercising their right to adopt additional more rigorous measures consistent with the purpose of this Treaty; Recognizing the legitimate international trade and lawful private ownership and use of conventional arms exclusively for, inter alia, recreational, cultural, historical and sporting activities for States where such ownership and use are permitted or protected by law; Recognizing the active role that non-governmental organizations and civil society can play in furthering the goals and objectives of this Treaty; and 16. Emphasizing that regulation of the international trade in conventional arms should not hamper international cooperation and legitimate trade in material, equipment and technology for peaceful purposes; Have agreed as follows: Principles Guided by the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations, States Parties, In promoting the goals and objectives of this Treaty and implementing its provisions, shall act in accordance with the following principles: The inherent rights of all States to individual or collective self-defense; 2. Settlement of individual disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered; 3. The rights and obligations of States under applicable international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law; 4. The responsibility of all States, in accordance with their respective international obligations, to effectively regulate and control international transfer of conventional arms as well as the primary responsibility of all States to in establishing and implementing their respective national export control systems; and 5. The necessity to implement this Treaty consistently and effectively and in a universal, objective and non-discriminatory manner. Article 1 Goals and Objectives Cognizant of the need to prevent and combat the diversion of conventional arms into the illicit market or to unauthorized end users through the improvement of regulation on the international trade in conventional arms, The goals and objectives of this Treaty are: - For States Parties to establish the highest possible common standards for regulating or improving regulation of the international trade in conventional arms; - To prevent, combat and eradicate the illicit trade in conventional arms and their diversion to illegal and unauthorized end use; In order to: - Contribute to international and regional peace, security and stability; - Avoid that the international trade in conventional arms contributes to human suffering; - Promote cooperation, transparency and responsibility of States Parties in the trade in conventional arms, thus building confidence among States Parties, Article 2 - A. Covered Items - 1. This Treaty shall apply to all conventional arms within the following categories: - a. Battle Tanks - b. Armored combat vehicles - c. Large-caliber Artillery systems - d. Combat aircraft - e. Attack helicopters - f. Warships - g. Missiles and missile launchers - h. Small Arms and Light Weapons - 2. Each State Party Shall establish and Maintain a national control system to regulate the export of munitions to the extent necessary to ensure that national controls on the export of the conventional arms covered by Paragraph a1 (a)-(h) are not circumvented by the export of munitions for those conventional arms. - 3. Each State Party shall establish and maintain a national control system to regulate the export of parts and components to the extent necessary to ensure that national controls on the export of the conventional arms covered by Paragraph A1 are not circumvented by the export of parts and components of those items. - 4. Each State Party shall establish or update, as appropriate, and maintain a national control list that shall include the items that fall within Paragraph 1 above, as defined on a national basis, based on relevant UN instruments at a minimum. Each State Party shall publish its control list to the extent permitted by national law. - B. Covered Activities - 1. This Treaty shall apply to those activities of the international trade in conventional arms covered in paragraph a1 above, and set out in Articles 6-10, hereafter referred to as “transfer.” - 2. This Treaty shall not apply to the international movement of conventional arms by a State Party or its agents for its armed forces or law enforcement authorities operating outside its national territories, provided they remain under the State Party’s ownership. Article 3 Prohibited Transfers A State Party shall not authorize any transfer of conventional arms within the scope of this Treaty if the transfer would violate any obligation under any measure adopted by the United Nations Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular arms embargoes. A State Party shall not authorize any transfer of conventional arms within the scope of this Treaty if the transfer would violate its relevant international obligations, under international agreements, to which it is a Party, in particular those relating to the international transfer of, or illicit trafficking in, conventional arms. A State Party shall not authorize a transfer of conventional arms within the scope of this Treaty for the purpose of facilitating the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes constituting grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, or serious violations of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention of 1949. Article 4 National Assessment Each State Party, in considering whether to authorize an export of conventional arms within the scope of this Treaty, shall, prior to authorization and through national control systems, make an assessment specific to the circumstances of the transfer based on the following criteria: Whether the proposed export of conventional arms would: Be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law; Be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international human rights law; Contribute to peace and security; Be used to commit or facilitate an act constituting an offense under international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism or transnational organized crime, to which the transferring State is a Party; In making the assessment, the transferring State Party shall apply the criteria set out in Paragraph 2 consistently and in an objective and non-discriminatory manner and in accordance with the principles set out in this Treaty, taking into account relevant factors, including information provided by the importing State. 4. In assessing the risk pursuant to Paragraph 2, the transferring State Party may also take into consideration the establishment of risk mitigation measures including confidence-building measures and jointly developed programs by the exporting and importing State. 5. If in the view of the authorizing State Party, this assessment, which would include any actions that may be taken in accordance with Paragraph 4, constitutes a substantial risk, the State Party shall not authorize the transfer. Article 5 Additional Obligations Each State Party, when authorizing an export, shall consider taking feasible measures, including joint actions with other States involved in the transfer, to avoid the transferred arms: being diverted to the illicit market; be used to commit or facilitate gender-based violence or violence against children; become subject to corrupt practices; or adversely impact the development of the recipient State. Article 6 General Implementation Each State Party shall implement this Treaty in a consistent, objective and non-discriminatory manner in accordance with the goals and objectives of this Treaty; The implementation of this Treaty shall not prejudice previous or future obligations undertaken with regards to international instruments, provided that those obligations are consistent with the goals and objectives of this Treaty. This Treaty shall not be cited as grounds for voiding contractual obligations under defense cooperation agreements concluded by States Parties to this Treaty. Each State Party shall take all appropriate legislative and administrative measures necessary to implement the provisions of this Treaty and designate competent national authorities in order to have an effective, transparent and predictable national control system regulating the transfer of conventional arms; Each State Party shall establish one or more national contact points to exchange information on matters related to the implementation of this Treaty. A State Party shall notify the Implementation Support Unit (See Article 13) of its national contact point(s) and keep the information updated. State Parties involved in a transfer of conventional arms shall, in a manner consistent with the principles of this Treaty, take appropriate measures to prevent diversion to the illicit market or to unauthorized end-users. All State Parties shall cooperate, as appropriate, with the exporting State to that end. If a diversion is detected the State or States Parties that made the decision shall verify the State or States Parties that could be affected by such diversion, in particulate those State Parties that are involved in the transfer, without delay. Each State Party shall take the appropriate measures, within national laws and regulations, to regulate transfers of conventional arms within the scope of the Treaty. Article 7 Export Each State Party shall conduct risk assessments, as detailed in Articles 4 and 5, whether to grant authorizations for the transfer of conventional arms under the scope of this Treaty. State Parties shall apply Articles 3-5 consistently, taking into account all relevant information, including the nature and potential use of the items to be transferred and the verified end-user in the country of final destination. Each State Party shall take measures to ensure all authorizations for the export of conventional arms under the scope of the Treaty are detailed and issued prior to the export. Appropriate and relevant details of the authorization shall be made available to the importing, transit and transshipment State Parties, upon request. Article 8 Import Importing State Parties shall take measures to ensure that appropriate and relevant information is provided, upon request, to the exporting State Party to assist the exporting State in its criteria assessment and to assist in verifying end users. State Parties shall put in place adequate measures that will allow them, where necessary, to monitor and control imports of items covered by the scope of the Treaty. State Parties shall also adopt appropriate measures to prevent the diversion of imported items to unauthorized end users or to the illicit market. Importing State Parties may request, where necessary, information from the exporting State Party concerning potential authorizations. Article 9 Brokering Each State Party shall take the appropriate measures, within national laws and regulations, to control brokering taking place under its jurisdiction for conventional arms within the scope of this Treaty. Article 10 Transit and Transshipment Each State Party shall adopt appropriate legislative, administrative or other measures to monitor and control, where necessary and feasible, conventional arms covered by this Treaty that transit or transship through territory under its jurisdiction, consistent with international law with due regard for innocent passage and transit passage; Importing and exporting States Parties shall cooperate and exchange information, where feasible and upon request, to transit and transshipment States Parties, in order to mitigate the risk of discretion; Article 11 Reporting, Record Keeping and Transparency Each State Party shall maintain records in accordance with its national laws and regardless of the items referred to in Article 2, Paragraph A, with regards to conventional arms authorization or exports, and where feasible of those items transferred to their territory as the final destination, or that are authorized to transit or transship their territory, respectively. Such records may contain: quantity, value, model/type, authorized arms transfers, arms actually transferred, details of exporting State(s), recipient State(s), and end users as appropriate. Records shall be kept for a minimum of ten years, or consistent with other international commitments applicable to the State Party. States Parties may report to the Implementation Support Unit on an annual basis any actions taken to address the diversion of conventional arms to the illicit market. Each State Party shall, within the first year after entry into force of this Treaty for that State Party, provide an initial report to States Parties of relevant activities undertaken in order to implement this Treaty; including inter alia, domestic laws, regulations and administrative measures. States Parties shall report any new activities undertaken in order to implement this Treaty, when appropriate. Reports shall be distributed and made public by the Implementation Support Unit. Each State Party shall submit annually to the Implementation Support Unit by 31 May a report for the preceding calendar year concerning the authorization or actual transfer of items included in Article 2, Paragraph A1. Reports shall be distributed and made public by the Implementation Support Unit. The report submitted to the Implementation Support Unit may contain the same type of information submitted by the State Party to other relevant UN bodies, including the UN Register of Conventional Arms. Reports will be consistent with national security sensitivities or be commercially sensitive. ARTICLE 12 ENFORCEMENT Each State Party shall adopt national legislation or other appropriate national measures regulations and policies as may be necessary to implement the obligations of this Treaty. ARTICLE 13 IMPLEMENTATION SUPPORT UNIT This Treaty hereby establishes an Implementation Support Unit to assist States Parties in its implementation. The ISU shall consist of adequate staff, with necessary expertise to ensure the mandate entrusted to it can be effectively undertaken, with the core costs funded by States Parties. The implementation Support Unit, within a minimized structure and responsible to States Parties, shall undertake the responsibilities assigned to it in this Treaty, inter alia: Receive distribute reports, on behalf of the Depository, and make them publicly available; Maintain and Distribute regularly to States Parties the up-to-date list of national contact points; Facilitate the matching of offers and requests of assistance for Treaty implementation and promote international cooperation as requested; Facilitate the work of the Conference of States Parties, including making arrangements and providing the necessary service es for meetings under this Treaty; and Perform other duties as mandated by the Conference of States Parties. ARTICLE 14 INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION States Parties shall designate national points of contact to act as a liaison on matters relating to the implementation of this Treaty. States Parties shall cooperate closely with one another, as appropriate, to enhance the implementation of this Treaty consistent with their respective security interests and legal and administrative systems. States Parties are encouraged to facilitate international cooperation, including the exchange of information on matters of mutual interest regarding the implementation and application of this Treaty in accordance with their national legal system. Such voluntary exchange of information may include, inter alia, information on national implementation measures as well as information on specific exporters, importers and brokers and on any prosecutions brought domestically, consistent with commercial and proprietary protections and domestic laws, regulations and respective legal and administrative systems. 4. Each State Party is encouraged to maintain consultations and to share information, as appropriate, to support the implementation of this Treaty, including through their national contact points. 5. States Parties shall cooperate to enforce the provisions of this Treaty and combat breaches of this Treaty, including sharing information regarding illicit activities and actors to assist national enforcement and to counter and prevent diversion. States Parties may also exchange information on lessons learned in relation to any aspect of this Treaty, to develop best practices to assist national implementation. Article 15 International Assistance In fulfilling the obligation of this Treaty, States Parties may seek, inter alia, legal assistance, legislative assistance, technical assistance, institutional capacity building, material assistance or financial assistance. States, in a position to do so, shall provide such assistance. States Parties may contribute resources to a voluntary trust fund to assist requesting States Parties requiring such assistance to implement the Treaty. States Parties shall afford one another the widest measure of assistance, consistent with their respective legal and administrative systems, in investigations, prosecutions and judicial proceedings in relation to the violations of the national measures implemented to comply with obligations under of the provisions of this Treaty. Each State Party may offer or receive assistance, inter alia, through the United Nations international, regional, subregional or national organizations, non-governmental organizations or on a bi-lateral basis. Such assistance may include technical, financial, material and other forms of assistance as needed, upon request. Article 16 Signature, Ratification, Acceptance, Approval or Accession This Treaty shall be open for signature on [date] at the United Nations Headquarters in New York by all States and regional integration organizations. This Treaty is subject to ratification, acceptance or approval of the Signatories. This Treaty shall be open for accession by any state and regional integration organization that has not signed the Treaty. 4. The instruments of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession shall be deposited with the Depositary. 5. The Depositary shall promptly inform all signatory and acceding States and regional integration organizations of the date of each signature, the date of deposit of each instrument of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession and the date of the entry into force of this Treaty, and of the receipt of notices. 6. “Regional integration organization” shall mean an organization constituted by sovereign States of a given region, to which its Member States have transferred competence in respect of matters governed by this Treaty and which has been duly authorized, in accordance with its internal procedures, to sign, ratify, accept, approve or accede to it. 7. At the time of its ratification, acceptance, approval or accession, a regional integration organization shall declare the extent of its competence with respect to matters governed by this Treaty. Such organizations shall also inform the Depositary of any relevant modifications in the extent of it competence. 8. References to “State Parties” in the present Treaty shall apply to such organizations within the limits of their competence. Article 17 Entry into Force This Treaty shall enter into force thirty days following the date of the deposit of the sixty-fifth instrument of ratification, acceptance or approval with the Depositary. For any State or regional integration organization that deposits its instruments of accession subsequent to the entry into force of the Treaty, the Treaty shall enter into force thirty days following the date of deposit of its instruments of accession. For the purpose of Paragraph 1 and 2 above, any instrument deposited by a regional integration organization shall not be counted as additional to those deposited by Member States of that organization. Article 18 Withdrawal and Duration This Treaty shall be of unlimited duration. Each State Party shall, in exercising its national sovereignty, have the right to withdraw from this Convention. It shall give notice of such withdrawal to all other States Parties from this Convention. It shall give notice of such withdrawal to all other States Parties and to the Depositary. The instrument of withdrawal shall include a full explanation of the reasons motivating this withdrawal. A state shall not be discharged, by reason of its withdrawal, from the obligations arising from this treaty while it was a party to the Treaty, including any financial obligations, which may have accrued. Article 19 Reservations Each State party, in exercising its national sovereignty, may formulate reservations unless the reservation is incompatible with the object and purpose of this Treaty. Article 20 Amendments At any time after the Treaty’s entry into force, a State Party may propose an amendment to this Treaty. Any proposed amendment shall be submitted in writing to the Depository, which will then circulate the proposal to all States Parties, not less than 180 days before next meeting of the Conference of States Parties. The amendment shall be considered at the next Conference of States Parties if a majority of States Parties notify the Implementation Support Unit that they support further consideration of the proposal no later than 180 days after its circulation by the Depositary. Any amendment to this Treaty shall be adopted by consensus, or if consensus is not achieved, by two-thirds of the States Parties present and voting at the Conference of States Parties. The Depositary shall communicate any amendment to all States Parties. A proposed amendment adopted in accordance with Paragraph 3 of this Article shall enter into force for all States Parties to the Treaty that have accepted it, upon deposit with the Depositary. Thereafter, it shall enter into force for any remaining State Party on the date of deposit of its instrument of accession. Article 21 Conference of States Parties The Conference of States Parties shall be convened not later than once a year following the entry into force of this Treaty. The Conference of States Parties shall adopt rules of procedure and rules governing its activities, including the frequency of meetings and rules concerning payment of expenses incurred in carrying out those activities. The Conference of States Parties shall: a. Consider and adopt recommendations regarding the implementation of this Treaty, in particular the promotion of its universality; TR b. Consider amendments to this Treaty; c. Consider and decide the work and budget of the Implementation Support Unit; d. Consider the establishment of any subsidiary bodies as may be necessary to improve the functioning of the Treaty; e. Perform any other function consistent with this Treaty. 3. If circumstances merit, an exceptional meeting of the State Parties may be convened if required and resources allow. Article 22 Dispute Settlement States Parties shall consult and cooperate with each other to settle any dispute that may arise with regard to the interpretation or application of this Treaty. States Parties shall settle any dispute between them concerning the interpretation or application of this Treat though negotiations or other peaceful means of the Parties mutual choice. States Parties may pursue, by mutual consent, third party arbitration to settle any dispute between them, regarding issues concerning the implementation of this Treaty. Article 23 Relations with States not party to this Treaty States Parties shall apply Articles 3-5 to all transfers of conventional arms within the scope of this Treaty to those not party to this Treaty. Article 24 Relationship with other instruments States Parties shall have the right to enter into agreements on the trade in conventional arms with regards to the international trade in conventional arms, provided that those agreements are compatible with their obligations under this Treaty and do not undermine the objects and purposes of this Treaty. Article 25 Depositary and Authentic Texts The Secretary-General of the United Nations is the Depositary of this Treaty. The original text of this Treaty, of which the Arabic, Chinese, English, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic. (Emphasis in bold added by this author for help in analysis) ————- Troops Ordered To Kill All Americans Who Do Not Turn In Guns INFO WARS.COM
COMMENTS BY SONNY THE DARK AGES ARE UPON US.