Sunday, September 30, 2012

Motlanthe welcomes protector report that clears him

Sapa | 28 September, 2012 17:21 Deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe. File photo. Image by: Mohau Mofokeng / Gallo Images RELATED NEWS Protector clears Motlanthe, wife in Iran deal Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe has welcomed Public Protector Thuli Madonsela's report clearing him and his partner Gugu Mtshali of improper involvement in an Iran deal. Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe has welcomed Public Protector Thuli Madonsela's report clearing him and his partner Gugu Mtshali of improper involvement in an Iran deal. "Deputy President Motlanthe and Ms Mtshali have always maintained that they had committed no wrongdoing, and they have been vindicated by the report of the Public Protector," the deputy president's office said on Friday. Madonsela's report released on Friday said Motlanthe "was never involved in assisting 360 Aviation to obtain the support of the South African government for the business transaction involving the Islamic Republic of Iran". Motlanthe asked the Public Protector to investigate after a Sunday Times report on March 11, 2012. The report alleged that Mtshali was "implicated in soliciting a R104 million bribe to obtain a sanctions-busting deal with Iran". The article said Mtshali had met associates of Motlanthe and representatives of 360 Aviation, including Barry Oberholzer, at a restaurant in Bryanston, Johannesburg, in February 2011, "to discuss buying government support" for 360 Aviation. According to the Sunday Times report, Oberholzer said the purpose of the meeting was to secure a letter of government support for the Iran deal from Motlanthe, through his associates. This was for political protection from prosecution and assistance at a high level in Iran, the protector said. Motlanthe's office said: "The Public Protector found no evidence suggesting that either Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe or his partner were involved in any business transaction with Mr Barry Oberholzer." There were material differences in the words supposedly uttered by Mtshali in the transcript Oberholzer gave to the newspaper, and the recording he made, Motlanthe's office said. "It is not clear whether Mr Oberholzer or the Sunday Times deliberately distorted the transcript in order to mislead the public about Ms Mtshali’s conduct." The company 360 Aviation allegedly planned to trade aircraft in Iran. At the time, there were United Nations-imposed sanctions against Iran, which included an arms sales embargo. The Public Protector said Mtshali attended part of that meeting, and uttered only the words: "No! ... Hey man Jo, c’mon Jo..." "Ms Mtshali’s presence and utterance of the above few words do not substantiate a finding that she participated in the meeting or the Iranian deal, or solicited and/or accepted a bribe or gratification in exchange for influencing the Government of South Africa to support 360 Aviation’s Iranian business venture," the protector found. The Congress of SA Trade Unions also welcomed the protector's finding. "The federation applauded the deputy president’s decision -- when the allegations first surfaced -- to refer them to the Public Protector," said spokesman Patrick Craven. "As we said, this was an exemplary move by a leader, to subject himself to public scrutiny and accountability so that the truth can be established, and we are pleased that the Public Protector found no evidence to support the allegations." Craven urged other public figures subject to similar allegations to follow the example of Motlanthe by referring them to the appropriate public watchdog. TIMES LIVE Comments by Sonny Public Protector Thuli Madonsela's investigation raises more questions than answers. As did her investigation into corruption in the SA Municipalities. She gave them a 'Clean Bill of Health' after the forensic reports proved that they in shambles. Jacob Zuma also tried the same results, while we, as public have not been given satisfactory reports on their bad governance and service delivery! It is clear from this finding that the Public Protector is now playing for her peers and not Justice! She is out sourced and does not have the capacity to investigate all alleged corruption within the ANC and government. Did she ever reveal her findings at MTN and did she ever visit Iran to make such bold finding? We don't think so. She is allowing the ANC breathing space until after the NEC at Mangaung Bloemfontein in December 2012. The Public Protector is accountable, by virtue of her mandate, to the "PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA" and not to her comrades in the ANC. BILL CLINTON ALSO DENIED HAVING SEX WITH THAT WOMAN.....!..WITH A BIG GRIN ON HIS FACE.........! African National Congress Centennial 2012 celebration Executive summary of the statement of the National Executive Committee of the ANC delivered by President Jacob Zuma at the 100th anniversary of the ANC Mangaung 8 January 2012 Your Excellencies Heads of States and Government, Former Presidents of the ANC, Isithwalandwe Nelson Mandela at home and Comrade Thabo Mbeki, Former Heads of State and Eminent Persons, The Presidents and NEC Members of the ANC Women`s League, ANC Youth League and the ANC Veterans League and the leadership of Mkhonto Wesizwe Military Veterans Association, The Leadership of the SACP, COSATU and SANCO, Our friends from all over Africa and the world, Comrades and Compatriots, The African National Congress, the oldest liberation movement on the African continent, turns 100 years old today! We have come from all corners of South Africa, Africa and the world, to celebrate this historical milestone. It is not only a celebration for the African National Congress and its members only. It is a joyous celebration for all the people of South Africa, who, with the support of the continent and the world, destroyed colonial oppression and apartheid, and are building in its ruins, a free, democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous South Africa together. It is truly an emotional and yet very exciting and moving occasion, which fills us with great pride and joy. We extend a special welcome to all Heads of State and Government, Eminent Persons and all our friends from the anti-apartheid movement worldwide, who have joined us for this event. We have the pleasure to release our comprehensive January 8 statement today, which outlines our history. I will, in this address, provide highlights of this journey of 100 years of selfless struggle. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, Allow me to begin by paying tribute to my predecessors, the past presidents of the African National Congress, John Langalibalele Dube, Sefako Makgatho, Zac Mahabane, Josiah Gumede, Pixley ka Isaka Seme, AB Xuma, JS Moroka, Albert Mvumbi Luthuli, Oliver Reginald Tambo, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela and Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki. Excellencies, Compatriots and comrades, It has been a long road since 1652 when settlers arrived in our country. It has also been a long road since that meeting of European powers in Berlin in 1884, where they carved up the African continent, and shared the pieces among themselves as colonies and dependencies. As a race, virtually all Africans had been reduced to subjects. Many years later, in October 1911, Pixley ka Isaka Seme made a clarion call for the unity of the African people. He said MZulu, mXhosa, mSuthu hlanganani, calling upon the African people to bury the demon of racism and tribalism and face the challenge before them. The following year, the people of Southern Africa responded to the call by dispatching delegates to Bloemfontein. The delegates included esteemed traditional leaders such as Solomon ka Dinizulu, Montsioa of the Barolong, Lewanika of the Lozi of Zambia, Letsie II of Lesotho, Labotsibeni from Swaziland, Dalindyebo of the abaThembu, Sekhukhuni of the baPedi and Khama from Botswana. King Dalindyebo provided 115 cattle for the occasion in 1912. This time, abaThembu following in that tradition, have provided 50 cattle for the centenary. The Congress of the Traditional Leaders of South Africa added two cows. King Letsie III of Lesotho, the grand-grandson of King Letsie II who attended the founding congress, provided the cow that was used for the cleansing ceremony yesterday. On the 8th of January 1912, the South African Native National Congress was then founded at the Waaihoek church here in Bloemfontein. Later called the African National Congress, it grew to become a custodian of basic democratic values, principles and practice in our country. The principle on which the ANC and the rest of the democratic movement have consistently stood, is stated unequivocally in the preamble of the Freedom Charter: "... South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people``. The ANC set out to achieve that goal of founding a South Africa that was free, just and which belonged to all. One year after its formation, the ANC confronted one of its biggest challenges when the Native Land Act of 1913 was enacted. It stripped the African people of their homeland by racist statute, a move that could be called ethnic cleansing in current terminology. This indicated the challenges that the movement would have to deal with. The ANC mobilized the South African people across the racial, gender and class divides. The ANC, a disciplined force of the left with a bias towards the poor, is also a broad church that is home to all. Its membership and support base comprises nationalists, Marxists, Africanists, workers, capitalists, women, men, youth, rural, urban, rich and poor. This has become one of the biggest strengths of this glorious movement. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, The movement prides itself on having a strong historical relationship with the working class. The South African Communist Party was formed in 1921 and had engaged itself in issues affecting workers and the working class. Already then, the seeds of a unique Alliance were germinating when the ANC and the Communist Party of South Africa resolved to work together in 1929. Meanwhile, the relationship with the trade union movement can be traced back to the first major trade union of Africans, the Industrial Workers Union, which was formed in Bloemfontein in 1920 and also through the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), and later the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). President-General, Chief Albert Luthuli referred to this relationship through an analogy that said the ANC was the shield and the South African Congress of Trade Unions the spear. Comrade Oliver Tambo eloquently articulated the importance of the Alliance as follows; "Ours is not merely a paper alliance, created at conference tables and formalised through the signing of documents and representing only an agreement of leaders. Our alliance is a living organism that has grown out of struggle. We have built it out of our separate and common experiences." President Nelson Mandela, addressing an SACP congress in 1995, said about the relationship of the ANC and the SACP; ``It is a relationship that has detractors in abundance; a relationship that has its prolific obituary scribes. But it is a relationship that always disappoints these experts. Because it was tempered in struggle. It is written in the blood of many martyrs``. This revolutionary partnership became invaluable in advancing the struggle for freedom. As we celebrate the centenary today, we pay a special tribute to generations of working class leaders who have made an impact in the history of our struggle. Among them are Elijah Barayi, Chris Dlamini, John Gomomo, Jay Naidoo, Oscar Mpetha, Ray Simons, Moses Mabhida, Moses Kotane, Raymond Mhlaba, Govan Mbeki, Joe Slovo, Harry Gwala, Edwin Mofutsanyane, Dan Tloome, Curnick Ndlovu, Steven Dlamini, John Nkadimeng, Billy Nair, and many others who served everyone of our revolutionary organs with distinction. In addition, the historic Congress Alliance during the 1950s brought together the ANC, the Congress of Democrats and the South African Indian Congress, Coloured People`s Congress, South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU). The Congress Alliance played an important role in the development of the Freedom Charter, which arose from an idea by ANC intellectual ZK Matthews. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, Today we also salute women and recognise the pivotal role they have played in the life and growth of the ANC from the Bantu Women`s League in 1931 to the ANC Women`s League in 1948. We also recall the Federation of South African Women which united women across the colour lines in the struggle against apartheid. Women had also been part of earlier campaigns. As early as 1913, women right here in Bloemfontein, marched against dompasses. Many years later, women undertook that historic march against dompasses to the Union Buildings in 1956. We honour the many women who have played key leadership roles in our struggle. Amongst them are Lillian Ngoyi, Bertha Gxowa, Adelaide Tambo, Albertina Sisulu, Dorothy Nyembe, Nomzamo Winnie Mandela, Margaret Gazo, Florence Mkhize, Ruth Mompati, Gertrude Shope, Florence Mophosho, Ruth First, Ray Alexander, Helen Joseph, Rahima Moosa, Sophie de Bruyn and many more! Excellencies, Compatriots and Friends, Today we also remember the contribution of the youth to the advancement of our struggle. The ANC Youth League has produced outstanding leaders of our movement since its establishment in 1944, such as Anton Lembede, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, the youth of the 50s and 60s who played a leadership role in joining Umkhonto Wesizwe up to Peter Mokaba. The Youth League played a pivotal role in energising the ANC during the 1940s, and produced a programme of action that was adopted by the movement in 1949, influencing the mass action that characterised the Defiance Campaign. We recognise the militant youth of the June 1976 Soweto uprising, led by Tsietsi Mashinini and others, who challenged the myth about the might of the apartheid state. We acknowledge the Class of 1994 which contributed to the demise of apartheid by strengthening the ANC, and contributed to its overwhelming electoral victory, which led to the birth of a non-racial, non-sexist and South Africa. The present generation of youth continues to defend the democratic gains of our struggle, through mobilising for a better life and organising masses of youth into the ANC. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, Recognising the important role of veterans in our movement, the ANC created the Veterans League in 2008, to enable these cadres to play a role in the movement and share their experience and wisdom. Excellencies, Comrades and friends, Today we also celebrate the fact that for many generations, the ANC has promoted unity of purpose and action among the oppressed. One such example is the three Doctors Pact that was concluded between the Presidents of the ANC, the Transvaal Indian Congress and the Natal Indian Congress in 1947. This Pact was meant to unite Indians and Africans and forge cooperation on the promotion of equal economic and industrial rights, removal of land restrictions, housing, education, full franchise, freedom of movement, abolition of pass laws and the removal of discriminatory and oppressive legislation from statute books. Compatriots, It is remarkable that our country was able to produce a non-racial struggle, despite institutionalized racism. The ANC has always and shall continue to cherish the contribution of a small, but courageous contingent of White democrats, who committed themselves completely and selflessly, to the realisation of democratic change. This unity across all these divides have strengthened the ANC and brought us to this phase of celebrating 100 years of selfless struggle. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, The promotion of human rights for all has always been a key feature of the ANC since its formation. The ANC human rights blueprints preceded the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. This makes our movement one of the pioneers in the development of a human rights culture in the world. The ANC adopted its first Bill of Rights at the 1923 ANC conference, and later, at the 1943 ANC conference, the movement adopted the historic African Claims document which included a Bill of Rights. In another demonstration of commitment to human rights, the ANC signed the Geneva Convention of 1949, which regulates the conduct of armed conflicts and the protection of prisoners of war and civilians. That is why when the ANC came back from exile, it came back with its prisoners of war in compliance with the Geneva Convention. this human rights culture is enshrined in the Freedom Charter and the Constitution of a post-apartheid South Africa. It is one of the traits of the ANC that we are celebrating today. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, The Defiance campaign was one of the outstanding landmarks in our struggle. It redefined ANC cadreship as it led to the development of a volunteer corps. The volunteers played a key role in the life of the movement. They were disciplined and participated in the organising of various campaigns. We salute President Mandela who was our first Volunteer-in-Chief. Responding to the repression of the Defiance Campaign period, the ANC leadership called on Nelson Mandela, the Volunteer in Chief, to prepare a strategy document to restructure the movement, to enable it to adapt to rapidly changing conditions of struggle. He produced an impressive plan. Named the "M Plan", the document proposed that the ANC should be reconstituted from an organisation based on geographically conceived branches to one built on smaller, more intimate cells, that were vertically structured like a pyramid, thus permitting the rapid transmission of information and directives between higher and subordinate structures. The move was well timed, because as the resistance mounted, the regime escalated its repression. On the 21st of March 1960, police opened fire on unarmed demonstrators in Sharpeville, killing 69 people. The ANC and the PAC were banned on the 31st of March 1960 and the ANC began to operate underground. Due to increasing intransigence of the apartheid regime, the ANC deeply deliberated and took a difficult but historic and important decision to adopt the armed struggle. It established uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) as the nucleus of a national liberation army. MK announced its existence with a number of nationally coordinated sabotage actions on government installations on 16th December 1961. Nelson Mandela was its first commander-in-chief. In response to this, the regime passed laws to make death, the penalty for sabotage. It also introduced laws that allowed 90 days of detention without trial and arrested members of the MK leadership in 1963. Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba, Elias Motsoaledi, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada and Denis Goldberg were charged, found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. The majority of them served it on Robben Island. The Robben Island prison was turned into a political school by the ANC. The struggle continued inside prison. Amongst the shocking acts of abuse of power, the apartheid regime instituted the Sobukwe Clause, to extend his stay. For him to be in a prison environment, they sent him to Robben Island. Comrades and friends, There can be no better occasion than this ANC centenary, to celebrate the bravery, determination and selflessness of all the detachments of MK -the Luthuli, June 16, Moncada, Madinoga and the Young lions Detachments. We salute MK`s illustrious commanders Joe Modise, Chris Hani, Joe Slovo, Vuyisile Mini and other leading members of MK, Solomon Mahlangu, Marcus Motaung, Telle Mogoerane, Jerry Mosolodi, Mduduzi Guma, Montsi "Obadi`` Mogabudi and Monty Motloung. We salute the first MK cadres and commanders who conducted sabotage actions from December 16, 1961 and the following immediate period. We acknowledge as well those who fought in Zimbabwe in 1967 and 1968 in the Wankie-Sipolilo campaign, those who conducted operations inside the country throughout the armed struggle, those who joined forces with Frelimo fighters in Mozambique, and those who fought alongside the MPLA in Angola during the 1970s and 1980s. We honour Flag Boshielo who had distinguished himself in struggle since the Defiance Campaign and Faldon Mziwonke, a seasoned peasant fighter, whose track record stretches back to the 1940s. We also pay a special tribute to the people of Botswana, Swaziland, Lesotho and Mozambique who died during the apartheid army cross-border raids in search of MK bases. We also highlight women who were sentenced to jail such as Thandi Modise, Dorothy Nyembe, Helene Passtoors, Greta Apelgren, Theresa Ramashamola, Amina Desai, Barbara Hogan and Marion Sparg. Comrades and friends, This occasion also enables us to pay our respects to the 134 South African patriots, most of them MK soldiers such as Solomon Mahlangu, who paid the ultimate price for freedom when they were executed by the apartheid regime in Pretoria. Our freedom was definitely not free. It was achieved through the blood, sweat and tears of many selfless revolutionaries and cadres of our movement. Excellencies Compatriots and friends, The ANC owes a great deal of gratitude to its President Oliver Tambo who worked tirelessly to establish friendships and solidarity across the world and helped to mobilise the world against the apartheid regime. Building on the initial contact made by Moses Kotane who had worked hard to deepen the relationship between the former Soviet Union and the Communist Party of South Africa, President Tambo visited Moscow in April 1963 and developed strong relations between the Soviet Union and the ANC. The ANC also acknowledges the support we received from socialist countries. We are also indebted to countries such as Norway, Sweden, Finland and Denmark for their support. The people of Zambia, through their independence movement and mass organisations, received and assisted our movement even prior to their independence. We acknowledge the presence of our father, President Kenneth Kaunda in these celebrations. Angola, under the leadership of Agostinho Neto, President Jose Eduardo dos Santos and the MPLA, served as a secure rear base for our army and its personnel until 1988. We welcome the Neto family to this celebration. We single out Cuba for her unwavering solidarity politically and militarily. forced the apartheid forces to retreat, guaranteeing the sovereignty of Angola, paving the way for the liberation of Namibia and leading eventually to our own freedom. It indeed changed the political landscape of Southern Africa. Tanzania became our second home. We established settlements and were given land to build the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College. We extend our deepest gratitude to Chama Cha Mapinduzi and Mwalimu Julius Nyerere for this solidarity. We welcome the Nyerere family who have joined us for these celebrations. Botswana played a very important role in our struggle when it was, at one time, the only exit and entry point for our cadres and leaders. As a result of its role, it was subjected to many attacks and raids by the apartheid regime. We will forever be grateful for the contribution it made. We are grateful to Uganda, which provided political support and bases for MK in 1989, when we had to leave Angola following the passing of UN Resolution 435 for the independence of Namibia. We thank our immediate neighbours, Swaziland and Lesotho where many of our cadres stayed and from where we ran some of our operations. We thank FRELIMO and the people of Mozambique for solidarity that cost them dearly economically, politically and also when the apartheid army conducted cross border raids, leading to loss of life. This country also lost its President Samora Machel on South African soil. We highlight most of Africa - Zimbabwe, Algeria, Guinea (Conakry), Ethiopia, Benin, Nigeria and others who provided all kinds of support. We thank the Organisation of African Unity and the United Nations which accepted the ANC and PAC as legitimate representatives of the South African people instead of the apartheid regime. We also register our gratitude to the Anti-Apartheid Movement which played an enormous role in bringing apartheid atrocities to the attention of people in Western democracies. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, We pay tribute to comrades inside the country who enhanced the political activities from the underground and influenced political activity in the country. Special mention can be made of comrades like Joe Gqabi, Winnie Mandela, Harry Gwala, Zoli Malindi, Mme Lesia, Dorothy Myembe, Lawrence and Rita Ndzanga, Samson Ndou, Albertina Sisulu, Helen Joseph, Bertha Gxowa and others, who continued the link with the ANC in exile. In Soweto community leaders such as Dr Nthato Motlana and others assisted students during the Soweto uprising. The leader of the Black Consciousness Movement, Steve Biko, played an important role in conscientising many black South Africans that they were their own liberators. His brutal murder in police custody on 12 September 1977 led to a local and international outcry and robbed the country of an energetic and committed patriot. The year 1979 was declared the Year of the Spear, named after the centenary of the Battle of Isandlwana, and the ANC went on the offensive. The movement had attained maximum political and organisational unity. The armed actions which we had resumed in 1977 were having the political impact we desired. The ANC was beginning to determine the political agenda of the day rather than reacting to what the enemy was doing. Culture continued to be an arena of struggle. We acknowledge the role of artists such as Miriam Makeba, Hugh Masekela, Jonas Gwangwa, Julian Bahula, Caiphus Semenya, Letta Mbulu, Dorothy Masuka, Harry Belafonte and the Amandla Cultural Ensemble, the MK cultural group and others who kept the spirit of the struggle alive around the world. Comrades, By the early 1980s, the regime had banned all our peoples` organisations and gatherings. To discuss our oppression was virtually impossible. People survived by gathering in women`s, students, workers and issue-based organisations. These organisations multiplied throughout the country. In August 1983, history was made when more than 400 organisations gathered in Mitchell`s Plain in Cape Town and founded the United Democratic Front. Formations such as the South African National Civics Organisation, student organizations, traditional, religious, community organizations and those representing academics, lawyers, workers, sport and others played a key role in the activities of the UDF. The role of the church was also more pronounced. The ANC has had a strong relationship with the church since its inception. The World Council of Churches and the South African Council of Churches worked tirelessly in the promotion of justice and the fight against apartheid, mobilizing the church around the world. We acknowledge the critical role of church leaders such as Father Trevor Huddleston, the Reverend Beyers Naude, Archbishop Denis Hurley, Father Smangaliso Mkhatshwa, Emeritus Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the Reverend Alan Boesak, Sister Bernard Ncube and a host of others in fighting for a free and democratic South Africa. The emergence of mass based organizations during the 80s under the banner of the UDF, made it possible for President OR Tambo to call for South Africa to be made ungovernable and apartheid unworkable. An atmosphere of mass insurrection prevailed in many townships and rural towns across the country during 1985 and 1986. The ANC worked to open up rural areas to allow operatives to work from these areas. While some Bantustans were hostile to the ANC, the movement established critical contact with structures and individuals such as Enos Mabuza and General Bantu Holomisa in the Transkei, KaNgwane, KwaNdebele and others. The plan was to work within the homelands and change them. An important achievement during this period was the formation of CONTRALESA, which organised traditional leaders into the ANC, assisting the movement to make further inroads in rural areas. The regime unleashed terror in communities around the country during this period. We pay our respects to the families of many who were killed in state-sponsored violence in KwaZulu-Natal and the now Gauteng area during the 80s. We also remember other comrades who died in other tragic killings such as the Trojan Horse massacre in Cape Town, Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge, the PEBCO 3, Cradock 4, Dulcie September, Ruth First and other comrades who were killed by hitsquads inside and outside the country. When the ANC and other organisations were unbanned in February 1990, freedom had come at a great price. Leaders were released from jails across the country, underground activists began to operate openly, and others began returning home from exile. The ANC began to establish legitimate branch and regional structures of the movement inside the country. Nelson Mandela was elected President and Oliver Tambo as National Chairperson at the 1991 ANC National Conference, the first inside the country after the unbanning. The ANC was committed to ending apartheid through a series of negotiations and participated fully in the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA). The ANC played a leading role in shaping the nature, form, process and content of CODESA and its outcome. The Boipatong massacre and the tragic assassination of Comrade Chris Hani threatened to derail the talks. President Mandela provided matured leadership, together with the leadership of the ANC, saved the situation and enabled us to focus on the goals at hand. We are proud of the fact that the negotiations took place on South African soil, managed by South Africans themselves. The ANC, as always, promoted unity by bringing together negotiating parties under its wing as a united front. On 27 April 1994, millions of South Africans - black and white - voted in the first democratic elections. The leadership of the ANC, under the guidance of President Mandela united the nation behind the goal of reconciliation and nation building. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was established to deal with the mysteries and painful atrocities of the past. We congratulate South Africans for the mature handling of this difficult transitional processes. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, The first seventeen years of freedom have been successful. The ANC has laid a sound foundation for socio-economic development, although challenges remain. The vision for the first two decades of freedom are encapsulated in the following pillars: " The building of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist society. " Deepening our democracy, the culture of human rights and people´s participation in changing?their lives for the better. " Meeting basic needs and developing human resources. " Building the economy and creating jobs. " Combating crime and corruption. " Transforming the state. " Building a better Africa and a better world. The first few years after the end of apartheid was about putting in place the correct legal framework and mechanisms. The second phase was about executing our plans and programmes. We have succeeded in addressing the many challenges facing South Africa. We have moved some way to ensure access to basic services in areas such as health care, social security, housing, electricity, water and sanitation, education and others. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, Today we ask ourselves, what has made the ANC survive for 100 years. It was established by a nation as a response to a national challenge. It is not an organisation of a few, it is guided by the interests of the nation. It is a people`s organisation. That is why its founders called it the parliament of the people. It takes the trouble to clarify its policies, strategies and tactics, which are continuously reviewed so that they reflect the changing situation in the land. That is why the ANC during every term organises a national policy conference which helps to keep the policies relevant and focused. The ANC has well-built organisational structures that make it change with the times, and adapt to new conditions. It adheres to serious discipline in general and political discipline in particular, and emphasises respect. It has strong internal democratic processes. It empowers its cadres politically. It has a culture of open and democratic debate on any matter. It has grown not just to be a national or regional or continental organisation, it is an international organisation. It has a culture of working with progressive organisations of all types. It is an organisation that is prepared to learn and also it is conscious of its position as a leader in society. The ANC always humbles itself, it is not arrogant. This is what has made the ANC to live and lead. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, As we mark the ANC Centenary, this is the right moment to pause and ponder the future of South Africa and of the ANC over the next one hundred years. We must ask and answer the difficult questions about the future of our country. During this year, 2012, our nation must renew our determination to build a South Africa founded on the principles of the Freedom Charter and our democratic Constitution. We must bring new energy and new ideas into the kind of society we want to build over the next few decades. As the ANC prepares for its Policy Conference in June and its 53rd National Conference in December 2012, we call on all South Africans to join a national dialogue on the future of the country. This debate should be based on our common commitment to build a caring society that is truly non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, prosperous and united in its diversity. With regards to the way forward, we have identified the triple challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality as needing attention. Principally, Africans, women and youth continue to carry a disproportionate burden of the challenges. Over the next decade, both the ANC and all organs of state, shall pay a single-minded and undivided attention in order to overcome these triple challenges. Our education and training system should be the cornerstone of all efforts to radically transform South Africa and build a truly non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, united and prosperous society. as we move into the future, we shall invest hugely in, and elevate the importance of theoretical and ideological work, as well as a scientific approach to analysing and solving society`s problems. To join the ANC should, among other things, mean a commitment to lifelong learning through theory and practice. The ANC has led our people well during the struggle against colonialism and apartheid because it had a distinct capacity to produce a galaxy of leaders of exceptional qualities and talents. Two of its Presidents, President-General Luthuli and President Mandela were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. This affirmed the quality of leadership that the ANC produces. This unique character has enabled the ANC to produce some of Africa`s finest revolutionaries - men and women of courage and conviction, vision and humility, intellect and integrity, selfless service and loyalty to the people of our country and continent. As we move into the future, the ANC will renew its internal systems and processes in order to prepare and produce new generations of leadership for our country, whose integrity and passion to serve our country is unquestionable. The ANC has always been able to attract into its ranks all South Africans, who have distinct abilities and capabilities necessary to push the revolution forward. As we move forward, the ANC will intensify its programme to recruit and train young people who show tremendous potential, skills and talents in all fields of human endeavour. We are determined to move to the second centenary with a more rejuvenated organisation that is strategically positioned to continue to lead the people of our country and continent in their tireless and ceaseless quest for a better life, in a just and more humane world. In this regard, the most urgent task facing us is to speed up the building of a national democratic society, wherein all South Africans enjoy an improved quality of life, especially the working class and the poor. During its second century of existence, the ANC will undoubtedly require new organisational capacities and strategic capabilities to give political, moral and intellectual leadership and serve our nation in all the five pillars of social transformation. These are the organisation, the state, the economy, the international arena work and the ideological terrain. In 2012: " We will take urgent and practical steps to revitalise the grassroots structures of the movement. " We will take urgent and practical steps to once again place the ANC at the forefront of the progressive forces for change. " We will take urgent and practical steps to fast-track the development of cadres - new and old. " We will take urgent and practical steps to ensure that our programme of transforming our country is accelerated and taken to new heights. " We will take urgent and practical steps to restore the core values, stamp out factionalism and promote political discipline. " We will take urgent and practical steps to place education and skills development at the centre of our transformation and development agenda. We will take urgent and practical steps to deepen our contribution to the renewal of the African continent and the progressive forces in the world. " We will take urgent and practical steps to professionalise and modernise the operations of the ANC. Excellencies, Compatriots and friends, The 1942 ANC conference passed a resolution that the ANC should have a million members by the time it celebrated its centenary. It is my pleasure to announce that we have achieved this goal. The total number of ANC members is 1 027 389 members in good standing. KwaZulu-Natal leads with 244 900, followed by the Eastern Cape with 225 597. Gauteng 121 223, Limpopo 114 385, Mpumalanga 98 892, Free State 76 334, North West 60 319, Western Cape 43 397 and Northern Cape has 42 342. The figures are much higher if we include members who are not in good standing. We congratulate all members for working hard to enable us to meet this target. Comrades, It is now my pleasure to announce the winners of the ANC Annual Achievement Awards for our centenary year. They are as follows; " The Sol Plaatje Award, conferred on the best performing ANC branch, goes to the Sondelani Branch, Bohlabela Region, Mpumalanga. " The Charlotte Maxeke Award, conferred on the best performing ANC Women`s League branch, goes to the Sipho Mgijima Branch, Frances Baard Region, Kimberley. " The Anton Lembede Award, conferred on the best performing ANC Youth League branch, goes to the Madiba Branch, Mookgophong Sub-region, Limpopo. " The ZK Matthews Award, conferred on the best performing group of ANC councillors goes to the ANC councillors of the Hibiscus Coast Council, Lower South Coast, KwaZulu-Natal. We congratulate all the winners who prove that there is excellence in the ANC. Comrades, The ANC salutes all the comrades who passed away during 2011, who sadly departed before this centenary. May their souls rest in peace. On this, January 8 2012, we make a clarion call to all South Africans to work with us to make the dream of a united, democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous South Africa a reality in our lifetime. We call on all the progressive forces in our continent to work tirelessly for the regeneration, renewal and renaissance of Africa in our lifetime. We call on all progressive people in the world to spare no energy and effort in fighting for a better Africa and more humane world. These ideals we shall fight for, side by side, throughout our lives until we realise our goals. "The ANC is a child of Bloemfontein. The child conceived here in 1912, returns to its mother, older, stronger and wiser``, so said Comrade President Nelson Mandela in February 1990 at an ANC anniversary rally here in Bloemfontein. Comrades, THE NEC DECLARES 2012 THE YEAR OF UNITY IN DIVERSITY! Amandla! Comments By Sonny NOTHING IS AS ROSY AS IT IS PAINTED BY THE ANC. JULIUS MALEMA WAS ALSO SILENCED BECAUSE OF THIS "DIVERSITY/ADVERSITY!" THE ANC had little or no part in the epic battle in Cuito Cuanavale in Angola, between January and March 1988. THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMBINED FORCES WERE VICTORIOUS! "You can fool a lot of people at lot of the time, but, you cannot fool all the people all of the time!" If Chester Crocker and the CIA did not deceive the South African Government at the time, we would have marched into Luanda! SALUTE!! What is the US Marines doing on SA soil as we speak?

Friday, September 28, 2012

28 SEP 2012 06:00 - TABELO TIMSE, STEFAANS BRÜMMER, JAMES WOOD Free shares worth almost R1-billion in Capitec is what a consortium linked to financing the ANC has scored thanks to finance from two state bodies. OUR COVERAGE Decoding Kgalema: Enigmatic pretender to the throne MORE COVERAGE Protector agrees to investigate Mtshali bribery claims Capitec eyes higher bank fee income Capitec plans to issue $110m in new shares These are the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), which is supposed to focus on growing state employee pensions, and the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), tasked with economic development. Alongside a funding trust set up by ANC leaders, individual beneficiaries include Gugu Mtshali, the life partner of Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, Lotto boss Bongani Khumalo and Pilisiwe Twala-Tau, the wife of Johannesburg mayor Parks Tau. The deal was simple. The consortium, assembled by a controversial ANC fundraiser, bought an empowerment stake in Capitec using funds provided by the IDC. Later, exploiting strong growth in the Capitec stock price, it sold just enough to the PIC to pay off all debt associated with the original purchase. The ANC and some well connected individuals now stand to benefit from the value of the remaining shares – over R950-million – in another instance of the ruling party acting as both player and referee. The party has hit flak in the past for investing through its front company, Chancellor House, in areas where government has a say. The consortium is named Coral Lagoon after the shelf company it uses to house its interest in Capitec. Coral Lagoon's second-largest beneficiary is the Batho Batho Trust, founded by ANC leaders in 1992. Despite attempts to dissociate itself from the ANC, Batho Batho is a major sponsor of the party. A spokesperson would not say whether Batho Batho would transfer proceeds from the Capitec windfall to the ANC, calling it a "hypothetical question" (see "The consortium players that will reap the rewards from the deal"). Batho Batho holds 20% of Coral Lagoon, giving it a net gain of Capitec shares now worth about R190-million. Other significant stakes are held by the companies Keabetsoe Holdings (32%) and Regiments Capital (18%), both of which appear to have strong links to the ANC treasury. Mtshali, Motlanthe's life partner, gained shares now worth R9.5-million. She worked for the ANC treasury when Coral Lagoon was formed. The PIC's role is particularly contentious, because it bought the shares only to warehouse them for onward BEE sale. This echoes its 2004 warehousing of Telkom shares to assist the politically connected Elephant Consortium that consisted of close associates of then-president Thabo Mbeki. The warehousing allowed Coral Lagoon to gain hugely from an investment for which it paid nothing. But the long-term benefit to the PIC and its customers – government employees, whose pensions it invests – is not as clear. The IDC and PIC both denied politics played a role, saying they acted within their mandate of supporting BEE while ensuring decent returns. Coral Lagoon said in a statement: "This transaction can be seen as one of the most successful BEE transactions in South Africa as Coral Lagoon now has an unencumbered holding in Capitec that pays regular dividends." Capitec said it had found both the IDC and PIC "professional" in their dealings and that it had been un-aware the ANC might benefit. ANC treasurer Mathews Phosa declined to respond to questions. New kid on the block JSE-listed Capitec entered retail banking as little more than a microlender in 2001 but, because of technological innovation and product simplicity, it is now barking at the heels of the four big retail banks. In 2006, Capitec found itself way behind the financial sector charter's target of a 25% black shareholding by 2010, after a restructuring reduced its BEE shareholding from 17% to 4%. Capitec needed a new BEE partner. Although potential takers for such deals tend to be plentiful, institutions willing to finance them are not. What set Coral Lagoon apart was that it brought the IDC along, offering to lend almost the entire purchase price. ANC's "Mr 15%" Central to putting the consortium together was Zwelibanzi "Miles" Nzama, a controversial ANC fund-raiser. Nzama attracted public attention in 2003 when a printing company alleged in court that it had lost a Transnet tender because it rebuffed his attempt to extort shares for the ANC. The company, Sechaba Photoscan, said in an affidavit: "Miles Nzama informed us that … with his contacts in the African National Congress, he could guarantee our success for a consideration of 15% of [our] shares … at no cost to his principal." Though Transnet had scored Sechaba Photoscan the highest, it awarded the tender to a rival bidder, which had allegedly fallen for Nzama's advances. Sechaba Photoscan won a record R57-million in damages from Transnet. Nzama, who at the time ran the ANC Fundraising Trust with the then ANC treasurer, Mendi Msimang, remained closely associated with the ANC treasury. Nzama is now an executive of Chancellor House. He did not reply to questions. … and his friends Nzama in turn roped in Regiments Capital, a black-owned investment and advisory firm, to help with the corporate financing and to take up a stake. Regiments executive chairperson Litha Nyhonyha told the Mail & Guardian earlier this year: "Miles [Nzama] and I go back a long way so I know him very well … Capitec was looking for BEE partners. I don't know how they got to approach Miles. And he came to me. We were invited to participate and that's how the deal happened." Nyhonyha too has a long-standing connection with the ANC treasury. In 1992 he and Vusi Khanyile, who was then head of ANC finance, established the Thebe Investment Corporation, then fully owned by Batho Batho. Nyhonyha denied rumours that Regiments is linked to the ANC treasury. "We are a strict private company. We were never set up by the ANC and we were never facilitated by the ANC." But he added: "We believe in this country democracy should be supported financially and, yes indeed, we do donate to the ANC." A third person who helped to set up Coral Lagoon was investment banker Tshepo Mahloele. After stints at the PIC and the Development Bank, he was qualified to help. In fact, as head of the PIC's BEE-supporting Isibaya Fund between 2003 and 2005, he was directly responsible for warehousing the Elephant Consortium's Telkom shares. Shares mystery Mahloele heads Keabetsoe Holdings, a special purpose vehicle whose 32% in Coral Lagoon makes it the biggest beneficiary of the Capitec deal. It gained shares now worth about R300-million. But Keabetsoe's shareholding is opaque. In a January 2007 circular announcing its imminent deal with Coral Lagoon, Capitec stated that Mahloele and Nzama each held 50% of Keabetsoe.However, attempts to establish Nzama's supposed 50% share and whether he held it personally or as a nominee for the ANC, led to contradictory responses. Mahloele even produced a share register purporting to show that Nzama had never held any shares. This would leave Nzama without any stake in Coral Lagoon, which is highly unlikely given his role in launching it. Company registration records show him as one of its active directors. The deal Capitec issued 10-million shares to Coral Lagoon in February 2007. At R30 a share, the price was R300-million. Information provided by the parties shows that Coral Lagoon financed the purchase with two loans: R285-million from the IDC and R15-million from Capitec itself. As this covered the full purchase price and the loans were structured using preference shares, Coral Lagoon carried no risk, even if Capitec's share price collapsed. This left Coral Lagoon as the owner of just over 12% of Capitec, but without the full benefit, as it had to use the substantial dividends received from Capitec to service the IDC and Capitec loans. That changed in February this year, when the PIC bought about 5.3-million of the 10-million shares from Coral Lagoon, at a small discount to the going price of R185 a share. The proceeds were enough to redeem the full original IDC and Capitec loans and pay taxes and transaction costs. The net result was that Coral Lagoon remained with about 4.7-million Capitec shares unencumbered by any debt, then worth R872-million. Further growth in the Capitec share price took this to more than R950-million by the close of trading on Wednesday this week. Coral Lagoon may have some difficulty in turning the shares into instant cash – they cannot be sold on the open market as they must remain in BEE hands – but there is already the benefit of Capitec's sturdy dividend flow. Since February, Coral Lagoon has earned about R22-million in pre-tax dividends. Denials The IDC and the PIC denied favouring Coral Lagoon because it is politically connected and said that the deals made commercial sense. The IDC sidestepped a question about whether it knew of Coral Lagoon's closeness to the ANC treasury, saying: "The IDC considers all applications for funding based on the economic viability and developmental impact of each transaction … Political affiliation of applicants is not a consideration for funding whatsoever." The PIC responded: "The PIC follows robust and rigorous due diligence processes on all transaction we invest in. This includes assessing transactions on merit and value to be derived for our clients. The PIC does not exclude anyone based on their political affiliations." On whether warehousing the shares could expose it to undue risk – there are concerns that significant growth in Capitec's unsecured lending might end its bull run – the PIC said it had done a full analysis. It was "comfortable that the risks related to unsecured lending were within acceptable levels given the proposed holding period of the shares and that the indicative financial returns were in line with our benchmark return requirements." Capitec said it was unaware that the ANC could benefit from the transaction. "Until we received your questions, we were also unaware of the fact that Mr Miles Nzama is a fundraiser for the ANC. "We believe it is wrong for the ANC, as a political party, to participate in a BEE deal and to benefit from funding intended for BEE. We do not, however, believe that somebody who is employed by the ANC or any other political organisation can for that reason be disqualified from participating in a BEE deal." Capitec Bank Holdings' chairperson is the founder of the Millennium Trust, one of the funders of the M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism The consortium players that will reap the rewards from the deal Keabetsoe Holdings: 31.9% = Capitec shares worth R303-million Announcing its BEE deal with Coral Lagoon in 2007, Capitec said Keabetsoe was owned by Tshepo Mahloele and Zwelibanzi "Miles" Nzama, the ANC fundraiser. But the true ownership remains a mystery, as Capitec says it is now informed that "the administration surrounding the shareholding structure has not been formalised yet", whereas Mahloele has produced a share register showing only himself and businessman Blessing Rugara as shareholders from the start. Batho Batho Trust: 20% = Capitec shares worth R190-million Founded in 1992 by ANC and struggle leaders including Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Beyers Naudé, initially as the sole owner of Thebe Investment Corporation. Managing trustee Molefe Tsele insists it is "factually incorrect" that Batho Batho was set up by the ANC or is accountable to it - the founders acted "in their private capacity as community leaders". Batho Batho's deed binds it to support "democracy and socioeconomic transformation" and "the institutional viability and self-sustainability of historically black organisations". However, the ANC remains an important beneficiary. The Sunday Times has revealed an ANC document dating from Batho Batho's founding, stating that "in the trust's documents the area that the trust covers must be defined in extremely narrow terms, such that any profits received are donated to the ANC". Although Batho Batho has boasted of donating R230-million to a range of beneficiaries, the ANC is thought to be the largest. When Batho Batho received an amount approaching R100-million from the sale of Thebe shares in 2006, Tsele and then ANC treasurer Mendi Msimang publicly disagreed about whether the ANC should automatically benefit. The ANC is believed to have received the lion's share, although Tsele would not confirm details. Tsele says that, "without reservation, we do not see it as either legally or morally problematic" to benefit from the Capitec deal. Regiments Capital: 18% = Capitec shares worth R171-million Regiments is led by Litha Nyhonyha and his partners, Niven Pillay and Eric Wood. Nyhonyha co-founded Thebe Investment Corporation, set up in tandem with the Batho Batho Trust in 1992. Lemoshanang Trust: 5% = shares worth R47.5-million The family trust of prominent businessman Baekeng Japie Moropa. Capitec Bank Group Employee Empowerment Trust: 5% = Capitec shares worth R47.5-million A trust set up for Capitec employees that was included in Coral Lagoon in return for Capitec agreeing to finance 5% of Coral Lagoon's purchase of Capitec shares. Nozala Investments: 5% = Capitec shares worth R47.5-million A BEE investment company whose board boasts Chancellor House trustee Salukazi Dakile-Hlongwane and, at the time Coral Lagoon bought into Capitec, Mandela daughter Makaziwe Mandela and Lorato Phalatse, a senior official in Thabo Mbeki's presidency. Mdumo Trust: 4.7% = Capitec shares worth R44.7million A youth development trust founded by Abdoolrawoof Ahmed, a former accountant of Udumo Investments, a company directed by Nzama and Msimang. Koma Trust: 3.5% = Capitec shares worth R33.3million The purpose of the trust is unclear. Trustees include Tlhalefang Sekano, a former union moneyman closely tied to Nzama. Rorisang Basadi Investment Holdings: 3% = Capitec shares worth R28.5million A BEE investment company whose board includes Jackie Huntley, a lawyer in partnership with Leslie Mkhabela, who represented ANC moneyman Sandi Majali before being used by PetroSA in a largely unsuccessful attempt to recover Oilgate money from Majali. Huntley represented Julius Malema in his hate speech trial last year. Gugu Mtshali: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million The life partner of Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe. She worked in the ANC treasury when Coral Lagoon obtained its Capitec stake in 2007. Since then she has courted business controversy as a shareholder in the politically connected Imperial Crown Trading, which obtained exploration rights to Kumba's Sishen iron ore mine (later overturned in court). More recently, she was implicated in an alleged sanctions-busting deal to supply helicopter parts to Iran. Bongani Khumalo: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million Prominent businessman and former Transnet chairperson, who now heads Lotto operator Gidani. Pilisiwe Twala-Tau: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million Wife of Johannesburg mayor Parks Tau and chief executive of Gauteng Enterprise Propeller. She previously occupied senior positions at the Ekurhuleni and Johannesburg metros. Tdikeledi Majola: 1% = Capitec shares worth R9.5million Unknown. Values were calculated using a Capitec share price of R201.47. Consortium members generally preferred not to answer questions but associated themselves with this statement from Coral Lagoon: "The consortium is delighted with its shareholding in Capitec, which has played a major role in taking banking to the unbanked in South Africa. "It is very pleased with the return on its investment to date and with its significant remaining stake in the company. This transaction can be seen as one of the most successful BEE transactions in South Africa as Coral Lagoon now has an unencumbered holding in Capitec that pays regular dividends." * Got a tip-off for us about this story? Email The M&G Centre for Investigative Journalism (amaBhungane) produced this story. All views are ours. See for our stories, activities and funding sources. MAIL & GUARDAIN COMMENTS BY SONNY Chancellor House - Luthuli House and all the "Comrades" of the struggle for the poor! It is evident from this, that, the ANC owns and runs BEE in SA. Sanral and all the inside traders will never be investigated by the 'hawks' who are part and parcel of the ANC structures. If this is not an elaborate Pyramid Scheme, then, you ain't seen nothing yet! SHAREMAX and the rest of the HOODS could learn from the BEST within the ANC! IS THE FREE WORLD ALWAYS GOING TO WEAR BLINKERS WHEN IT COMES TO THE ANC? INTERNATIONAL CRIME IS THE PERFECT VEHICLE FOR ORGANISED CRIME AND CORRUPTION IN SA.

Derby-Lewis applies for medical parole

Sapa | 28 September, 2012 11:29 Clive Derby-Lewis The wife of convicted killer Clive Derby-Lewis has applied for his medical parole, according to a report on Friday. Beeld newspaper reported that Derby-Lewis's lawyer Marius Coertze said that Gaye Derby-Lewis had applied for the medical parole and she would not discuss the application with the media. The provincial department of correctional services was not immediately available for comment. Last month Gaye Derby-Lewis said that she would file the papers for the application, as her husband was suffering from cancer and from gangrene in one leg. Derby-Lewis, 76, was denied normal parole last year. An MP of the apartheid-era Conservative Party, Derby-Lewis was sentenced to 25 years in prison for his part in the murder of SA Communist Party general secretary Chris Hani in 1993. He arranged a firearm for hitman Janusz Walus, who is serving the same prison term. Both were initially sentenced to death. This was commuted to life in prison after the abolition of the death penalty. TIMES LIVE Comments by Sonny Clive, if your surnamed was Zuma or Shaik you would never had seen the inside of your cell. I hope to GOD ALMIGHTY that YOU succeed NOW! Son of Africa, You are a true South African "Freedom Fighter" and unsung South African HERO! MAY GOD AND NOT THE ANC GRANT YOU YOUR WELL EARNED FREEDOM!

Monday, September 24, 2012


The Rooivalk project began in early 1984 under the auspices of the Atlas Aircraft Corporation, a predecessor of Denel Aviation. Faced with the increasingly conventional nature of the South African Border War, the South African Defence Force recognised the need for a dedicated attack helicopter and accordingly set along the process of developing a suitable aircraft.
The Atlas XH-1 Alpha was the first prototype to emerge from the program. It was developed from an Aérospatiale Alouette III airframe, retaining that helicopter's engine and dynamic components, but replacing the original cockpit with a stepped tandem one, adding a 20 mm cannon on the nose and converting the undercarriage to tail-dragger configuration. The XH-1 first flew on 3 February 1985. The results were ultimately good enough to convince Atlas and the SAAF that the concept was feasible, opening the door for the development of the Rooivalk.
During the Rooivalk's development it was decided to base the aircraft on the dynamic components of the Aérospatiale Super Puma, a larger and more powerful helicopter. These components were already used on the Atlas Oryx, a local upgrade and modification of the Aérospatiale Puma. ( Wikipedia )

’n Ongemaklike waarheid - UNEASY TRUTH

THE TRUTH ABOUT SOUTH AFRICA 1962 - 1994 2011-11-13 20:53 Artikelopsies Deel Kry Beeld op Foto's · Lesersfoto’s ·
Nuus in Foto's Stuur vir ons jou foto's · Stuur vir ons jou foto's Ons was daar – Herinneringe van die wenners van die oorlog om Suider-Afrika is wesenlik ’n poging om die Angolese oorlog uit te beeld as ’n Koue Oorlog-botsing tussen ’n Kommunistiese supermoondheid en “ons” – die Boere en hul bondgenote. Dié siening is natuurlik ’n belediging vir diegene wat verkies om dit te sien as ’n struggle tussen vryheidsvegters en apartheidsrassiste, maar deesdae word dit bra moeilik om ’n man soos Jannie Geldenhuys hieroor aan te vat. Die bewyse van die teenoorgestelde is te sterk.

Onlangse navorsing deur prof. Stephen Ellis van die Universiteit van Leiden dui daarop dat selfs die kwansuis gematigde Nelson Mandela ’n geheime lid van die Kommunistiese Party was. Ellis beweer dit was die SAKP wat in 1960 teen Pretoria oorlog verklaar en daarna die noodlottige besluit op die ANC afgedwing het. Die gevolge was voorspelbaar: die SA Polisie het gereageer en die ANC uit die land verdryf. In ballingskap het ANC-leiers al hoe dieper in die Sowjet-kamp inbeweeg. Volgens die skrywer Mark Gevisser, aan wie toegang verleen is tot sensitiewe ANC-dokumente, was 29 van die 30 grootbase in die ANC se nasionale uitvoerende komitee in die sewentigs en tagtigs geheime lede van die SAKP.

Met ander woorde, die regses was reg: die ANC was inderdaad ’n Rooi komplot en as sulks ’n pion in ’n groter Sowjet-magspel, waarvan die doel was om Sowjet-kliëntstate dwarsdeur Suider-Afrika te vestig. Toe die ANC nie kon hond haaraf maak nie, het die Sowjet betaal om Kubaanse troepe na Angola te stuur. En toe ook dít nie werk nie, het hulle Russe gestuur om advies en opleiding te gee. Teen 1987 beskik Angola oor een van die grootste leërs ooit in Afrika: sewe brigades van plaaslike soldate, toegerus met die jongste Sowjet-tenks, missiele en vegvliegtuie, met ’n reserwe van 50 000 Kubane. In Junie van dié jaar steek die voorhoede die Lomba-rivier oor en begin suidooswaarts rol, vasbeslote om Unita te verdelg.
Die Britse akademikus James Chin het verlede jaar ’n linkse weergawe gepubliseer van wat kamtig daarna sou gebeur het. In sy weergawe het die SA Weermag besef hul Unita-makkers is in die sop en hulle te hulp gesnel, maar ’n verpletterende nederlaag in die omgewing van Cuito Cuanavale gely. Tegelykertyd het Kubaanse troepe met die persoonlike tussenkoms van Fidel Castro ’n blitzkrieg van stapel gestuur en derduisende Suid-Afrikaners omsingel.
Volgens Chin het Castro die verslae oorlewendes ’n keuse gebied: lê julle wapens neer of sterf. Die verslane Suid-Afrikaners het glo gehensop en huis toe gestap. Hierdie wolhaarstorie of ’n variant daarvan het een van ons regime se grondliggende mites geword. Daarvolgens is die apartheidsweermag in Angola verpletter, ’n ontwikkeling wat FW de Klerk sou gedwing het om Mandela vry te laat en meerderheidsregering te aanvaar.
Die hemel het na Guy Fawkes gelyk ... In oorloë is waarheid dikwels die eerste slagoffer, maar dié konkoksie is ’n triomf van wensdenkery en iewers langs die pad het genl. Geldenhuys en sy medesoldate duidelik hul gesamentlike moer gestrip. Hulle het besluit hulle gaan die rekord regstel – derhalwe hierdie boek, ’n samestelling van artikels deur dosyne soldate wat die oorlog meegemaak het. Senior offisere se skryfwerk is geneig om droog te wees, maar hier en daar kom ’n bliksemstraal, dikwels uit die pen van een van die jong dienspligtiges wat in September 1987 slagveld toe gestuur is. Aanvanklik was verveling die grootste vyand: verveling en vlieë, gyppo guts en lelike goggas soos die sogenaamde “pismot” wat brandende suur op ’n troepie gespoeg (of gepis) het.
Een laaitie vertel hoe hy en sy makkers droëvrugte uit hul “ratpacks” gebruik het om mampoer te stook. Nog een vertel van ’n ou wat so verveeld was dat hy Sowjet-Migs met ’n spieëltjie geflits het om hulle uit te lok. Maar die Mig-vlieërs was versigtig om te laag te vlieg en die Migs het in elk geval min gevaar gebied, want die Russe het blykbaar nie besef dat ’n gewone bom wat in sand ontplof slegs ’n groot gat vir homself grawe nie.
Intussen, êrens in die noorde, was stafsers. Anton Beukman betrokke by ’n “mission impossible”. Hy en ’n span recce-duikers het opdrag gekry om ’n brug oor die Cuitorivier op te blaas om te verhoed dat versterkings die Kubaanse/Angolese magte op die suidelike oewer bereik. Hulle het geweet die rivier wemel van krokodille en hul enigste teenmiddel was “die graspol in die hol”; dit wil sê bid en hoop op die beste. Die recces het teen sononder in die rivier geglip en ses uur geswem tot by hul teiken. Wagte het hulle raakgesien toe hulle plofstof op die brug plaas; een is geskiet en gewond.
Daarna swem hulle stroom-af in die donker nag. Agter hulle lyk dit na Guy Fawkes soos ontploffings die hemel verlig. Teen dagbreek was Beukman agter. Hy’t in die riete weggekruip en teen sonsondergang weer begin swem. Skielik het ’n krokodil hom gegryp, “soos ’n lappop rondgeslinger” en teen die bodem vasgepen. Die dier het gewag dat sy prooi verdrink, maar hom met Beukman misreken. Dié het sy mes uitgepluk, die krokodil in die oog gesteek en nog 20 kilometer na die optelpunt geswem met dye en boude wat amper flenters verskeur was. Kort daarna begin die slag in erns. Die Suid-Afrikaners en hul bondgenote was in ’n minderheid van een teen drie, en hul teenstanders het van die mees gevorderde radar- en lugafweerstelsels op aarde gehad. Ná twee maande van onophoudelike aksie was die troepe naby waansinnig. Klere flenters, swart gebrand, honger, stink soos muishonde. Maar hulle het daarin geslaag om die vyand te stuit.
Volgens die Amerikaanse diplomaat Chester Crocker was verliese aan die Sowjet-kant “verstommend”. Twee Angolese brigades is uitmekaar gemoker, oorlewendes het vir hul lewe gevlug – die slagveld agter hulle besaai met miljarde dollar se Sowjet-wapentuig. Soos Geldenhuys vertel, kon alleen ’n Rooi diktator so ’n vernede- ring in ’n oorwinning omskep. In die vrye wêreld sou die pers die waarheid geopenbaar en Castro uitgelag het. Hoe weet ons die Suid-Afrikaanse weergawe is waar? Deels omdat dit so gedetailleerd is, maar ook omdat die SA Weermag se bevelhebbers bereid is om hul feilbaarheid te erken. Vat byvoorbeeld die bydrae van kol. Junior Botha, ’n knorrige oubaas wat in beplanning betrokke was. Botha skroom nie om te sê sy seniors (ook hyself) was by tye dwaas nie.
Syns insiens was dit veral dom om te glo hulle kon die vlugtende Angolese/Kubaanse leër agternasit en uitwis – die afstande was te groot, en die Suid-Afrikaners was sonder lugdekking. Maar die generaals wou nie luister nie en het hul les geleer. “Ons is wie ons is,” sug die ou Boerekryger. “Ons gaan van mekaar verskil.” Teen Februarie 1988 was daar in elk geval vredesonderhandelinge aan die gang en het die Suid-Afrikaners tou opgegooi en onttrek. Die wêreld sou nooit weer dieselfde wees nie. Die Sowjet-unie was besig om in duie te stort; sy verliese in Angola was die einde van sy imperiale droom. Wat van die swart voetsoldate? Maar terwyl ek my hoed vir Geldenhuys en sy soldate lig, moet ek een bedenking lug.

Die generaals spog dat hul oorwinnings met minimale verliese behaal is – net 31 Suid-Afrikaanse gesneuweldes. ANC-ondersteuners beweer die SA Weermag lieg, maar ek twyfel: As ’n Boerseun op die slagveld sterf, het die hele dorp geweet en by sy begrafnis opgedaag. Dit was amper onmoontlik om weg te steek. Wit Suid-Afrikaners het egter net ’n klein deel van die anti-Sowjetmagte uitgemaak en dikwels op ’n afstand ondersteuning gebied. Die voetsoldate was swartes van Unita; ’n menigte van hulle het gesneuwel om die SA Weermag te laat oorwin. Dit skyn oneerbaar van Geldenhuys en Kie. te wees om hul opofferinge minder te ag .

(Hy sê Unita se verliese is Unita se saak en moes dus deur Unita bekendgestel gewees het. Nogtans.) In die geheel beskou ek Ons was daar as ’n belangrike boek ondanks tekortkomings. Die triomfantelike toon is soms ’n bietjie te veel, maar die ANC se oorwinningsfantasie is selfs aanstootliker. De Klerk het in die onderhandelingsfase toegelaat dat die ANC wegkom met windmakerige grootpratery omdat hy geweet het hulle het iets nodig om op trots te wees.
Maar nou gebruik Malema en ander die mite van Cuito Cuanavale om te beweer die ANC was te vrygewig teenoor die verslane wit mense en dat hulle dus die morele reg het om die Grondwet te wysig en plase sonder vergoeding af te vat. Daarvan weet ek nie mooi nie. Die ANC het ’n vreedsame skikking aanvaar omdat hulle tot die besef gekom het ’n militêre oorwinning was onhaalbaar. En daarvoor moet ons vir Jannie Geldenhuys en sy manne dankie sê.

Rian Malan is ’n skrywer en joernalis. Sy bundel artikels, Resident Alien, is onlangs weer deur Jonathan Ball gepubliseer. BEELD Geraamtes uit die Rooi argiewe 2012-09-23 21:50 Artikelopsies Deel Kry Beeld op Foto's · Lesersfoto’s · Nuus in Foto's Stuur vir ons jou foto's · Stuur vir ons jou foto's Rian Malan Stephen Ellis lê ’n geskiedenis bloot waarvan die regerende party liefs sal wil vergeet. Daar is iets vir almal hieruit te leer, skryf Rian Malan.

External Mission: The ANC in Exile, 1960-1990 Stephen Ellis JONATHAN BALL, R200 As tiener het ek dikwels plegtig onderneem om by die Kommunisteparty aan te sluit – deels omdat ek myself as links beskou het, maar hoofsaaklik omdat dit my pa, wyle Attie ­Malan, ’n lewenslange NP-ondersteuner, geïrriteer het. Toe gaan ek Amerika toe, waar ek betrokke geraak het by die Second Thoughts-beweging, ’n soort Alkoholiste Anoniem vir ontnugterde oud-kommuniste. Party van daai ouens het saam met Fidel Castro baklei. Party het dekades in Viëtnam se woude teen imperialisme geveg. Party was lede van die Oosblok-kommuniste-aristokrasie.

Almal had gebroke harte, want hul stryd het uitgeloop op polisiestate waar werkers honger gely en vrydenkendes in die tronk beland het. Sulke stories het my laat besef my pa was reg: Die kommunis is ’n dier wat fyn dopgehou moet word. “’n Kommunis,” het hy altyd gesê, “sal nooit huiwer om tot sy beweging se voordeel te lieg nie.” Toe ek 19 was, het dit na stront geklink. Vandag weet ­ek beter, deels danksy prof. ­Stephen Ellis, die Amsterdam-gesetelde akademikus wat vroeër vanjaar onthul het Nelson Mandela was eens ’n geheime lid van die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunisteparty.

Ek het gedag dis ’n sensasionele storie, maar die wêreld­media het dit heeltemal geïgnoreer – seker omdat hulle weier om te glo dat Mandela in staat is om oor enigiets te lieg. Diegene wat Ellis se Mandela-bom geïgnoreer het, sal glad nie van sy nuwe boek hou nie, want dis ook vol skokkende verrassings. Die meeste Suid-Afrikaners glo byvoorbeeld dat die ANC op Dingaansdag in 1961 oorlog teen Pretoria verklaar het. Nie so nie, seg Ellis. Volgens navorsing wat hy in External Mission uiteensit, is die kritieke besluit eintlik ’n jaar vroeër op ’n geheime Kommunisteparty-vergadering in die wit buurt Emmarentia in Johannesburg geneem.

Daarna, sê Ellis, moes die kleine SAKP die magtige ANC oorreed om sy voorbeeld te volg, met geheime agente soos Mandela wat ’n leidende rol gespeel het. Volgens Ellis was wat toe sou volg “tantamount to a coup ­within the ANC”. Die Kommuniste het pres. Albert ­Luthuli, wat teen geweld gekant was, opsy gestoot en MK geskep as ’n soort Kommunisties-beheerde ­feodale ryk binne die moeder-organisasie. Hieroor het hulle natuurlik ook gelieg. Hulle moes.

Die Kommunisteparty was onwettig in Suid-Afrika. Maar, soos Ellis opmerk, daar was nog ’n rede: Afrika-leiers soos Kaunda en Nyerere het dit duidelik gemaak dat hulle teen énige vennootskap met wit mense en Indiërs gekant was, selfs al was hul beleid Rooi. Afrikaniste binne die ANC het ’n soortgelyke houding aangeneem, wat verklaar waarom hulle so hard baklei het om die ANC ’n slegs swart organisasie te hou. Hul vrees, volgens Ellis, was dat hulle opsy gestoot sou word deur goed opgevoede wit mense en Indiërs, soos in ­Lon­den die geval was waar Joe ­Slovo en Yusuf Dadoo se operasie nie kon spog met ’n enkele swart gesig nie.

By hierdie spannings kom nog die wydverspreide verwensing van “Xhosa-oorheersing” en ’n heimlike agterdog aan die kant van die troepe dat leiers nie juis in baklei belanggestel het nie. Ons het dikwels dié soort ­dinge by die wit regses gehoor. In Ellis se boek hoor ons dit van kamerade self, gewoonlik in die vorm van vertroulike korrespondensie uit verskeie argiewe opgediep, onder meer die argief van die Stasi, die Oos-Duitse geheime polisie. Junior kamerade kla oor wydverspreide demoralisering weens “verduistering, korrupsie en misbruik van vroue”. Senior kamerade stem saam. “Daar is groot fout met ons beweging,” skryf Mark Shope. Jack Simons gaan so ver as om te sê die gewapende stryd het ’n “charade” geword wat net dien om skenkings die ANC se koffers te laat invloei.

Simons kon hom vryelik uitdruk, want hy was lid van die beweging se Kommuniste-elite. Troepies in kampe was minder gelukkig. Ná 1969 was hulle onder beheer van ’n hardvogtige veiligheidstruktuur wat deur Oos-Duitsers opgelei is en ’n Stalinistiese houding jeens meningsverskil gehad het. “Enigiemand wat die leierskap durf kritiseer het, het die beweging ondermyn,” skryf ­Ellis. “Aangesien dit die belange van die vyand gedien het, was hulle ‘objektief’ gesien as vyandelike agente en het verdien om dienooreenkomstig behandel te word.” In die ANC het dit marteling, gevangenskap en dikwels die dood beteken. Tog het opstand in die ANC se militêre kampe net onder die oppervlak bly prut.

Soldate muit gewoonlik om die slagveld te ontvlug, maar in die ANC was die omgekeerde waar: Soldate was pal in beroering om huis toe gestuur te word om te veg, net om deur kommissars, oënskynlik heel tevrede met hul lewe in ballingskap, gestuit te word. Volgens Ellis kon dit wees omdat elemente van die beweging se leierskap betrokke was by winsgewende misdadige skemas wat die ondergrondse netwerk gebruik het om mandrax in Suid-Afrika ín te smokkel en gesteelde motors daarúít. Vandag word Suid-Afrika regeer deur manne wat pal die ANC se militant-heldhaftige geskiedenis oproep om hul mag te regverdig en teenstanders te verwerp as reaksionêre. “An unkind critic,” sê Ellis, “would call this a fantasy or delusion.” Ellis sou waarskynlik ’n soortgelyke oordeel oor my uitspreek. Ná ’n dop of twee is ek totaal kapabel en oortuig myself die Afrikaners se stryd in die laat 20ste eeu was wesenlik ’n stryd teen Stalinisme.
Ek is nie verkeerd nie, maar, uit erkenning vir Steve Biko se herdenkingsdag, laat ek erken ek is ook nie reg nie. Hy was nie ’n Kommunis nie, maar ons het hom in elk geval vermoor. Laat ons ook net ’n wyle hieroor nadink, dat ons dit nie herhaal nie. Rian Malan is ’n skrywer en sosiale kommentator. Stephen Ellis is die Desmond ­Tutu-professor van sosiale wetenskappe aan die Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam en senior navorser by die Afrika-Studiecentrum in Leiden. Hy is ook voormalige redakteur van die nuusbrief Africa Confidential en van die tydskrif African Affairs van die Britse Royal African Society. Foto: Verskaf BEELD -

Comments by Sonny -

THE SACP AND NOT THE ANC WAS IN CONTROL OF THE COMMUNIST ONSLAUGHT AGAINST APARTHEID DURING THE 1960's. Now Zuma and his cronies are giving the SACP/COSATU alliance the cold shoulder when it comes to distribution of Post Apartheid wealth!

It's a great pity that Prof Stephen ELLIS did not work for SAP, Stratcom or MI. On 2nd August 1962 the ANC/SACP were dealt a death blow when Braam Fischer and Nelson Mandela and all their comrades were arrested at Little Lilly Rivonia.

Ronnie Kasrils and his comrades in their book LONDON Recruits "THE SECRET WAR AGAINST APARTHEID" Edited by Ken Keable Introduction by Ronnie Kasrils Forwardword by Z. Pallo Jordan had to resort to pamphlet distribution within the borders of SA and to recruit members for the then banned ANC/SACP/SACOD.