Saturday, January 25, 2014
Eugene de Kock's parole being considered - Report - A Human Being Died That Night: Eugene de Kock
A campaign medal for service in preventing and combating terrorism after 26 August 1966, by (i) being in combat with terrorists, or (ii) being injured through terrorist activities, or (iii) completing 60 days (originally 6 months) counter-insurgency duty in a designated area. Awarded for operational service against the People's Liberation Army of Namibia in South West Africa (1966-89), for operations in Rhodesia (1967-75), and for internal security in South Africa.
A Human Being Died That Night: Eugene de Kock
Posted on 14 March 2013
Based on Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s interviews with Eugene de Kock, A Human Being Died That Night explores how a fundamentally moral person can become a mass murderer. Here’s a potted history of Eugene de Kock and his role in the apartheid regime.
29 January 1949
Eugene Alexander de Kock was born to Lawrence de Kock, a magistrate and personal friend to the former Prime Minister John Vorster. His father, a member of the Afrikaner Broederbond, indoctrinated his sons in Afrikaner nationalist ideology and taught them “strict Afrikaans” as they grew up.
De Kock developed a long-time ambition of becoming an officer. After finishing school, he attempted to join the South African Defence Force, but was disqualified from enlistment because of a stutter. De Kock then joined his brother as a member of the South African Police, where he applied to join the organisation’s elite Special Task Force. He was rejected again because of poor eyesight.
During the latter stages of the Rhodesian Bush War, de Kock was deployed to Rhodesia to defend its white population against the Communist forces of Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo.
De Kock co-founded Koevoet, an SAP counter insurgency unit tasked with combating SWAPO guerillas in South-West Africa during the Namibian War of Independence. Koevoet became notorious for its high enemy kill rate and for its alleged atrocities against local Namibian peoples.
The SAP transferred de Kock to C10, a counter-insurgency unit headquartered at a farm called Vlakplaas, located 20 kilometers west of Pretoria. De Kock, who had established a reputation for bravery and commitment during his tours in Rhodesia and Namibia, was promoted as the unit’s commanding officer two years later. Under de Kock’s leadership, C10—later known as C1—became a death squad which hunted down and killed opponents of the National Party and the apartheid system.
Upon being convicted, Eugene de Kock was sentenced to 212 years in prison for crimes against humanity. The eighty-nine charges included six counts of murder, as well as conspiracy to murder, attempted murder, assault, kidnapping, illegal possession of firearms, and fraud. De Kock is serving his sentence in the C Max section of the Pretoria Central Prison.
De Kock first became prominent during his testimony in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), during which he made multiple revelations relating to ANC deaths. At the end of his testimony he apologised, saying: “I wish to apologise to Cosatu and the SACC on behalf of myself and my men for the hurt, disruption, paranoia and other psychological effects of the blasts.”.He accepted full responsiblity for “everyone at my level and downwards, but not upwards”. At the trial he famously called on South Africans to turn away from hatred and revenge and to avoid “finger-pointing”, and added that “in time, things will sort themselves out”.
De Kock made several pleas for forgiveness to the relatives of his victims. In January, he wrote a letter to the family of Bheki Mlangeni, apologizing for killing the ANC attorney in a 1991 bomb attack; Mlangeni’s mother, Catherine, doubted de Kock’s sentiments due to his prior lack of remorse. In February, de Kock had a meeting in prison with Marcia Khoza, confessing that he had personally executed her mother, Portia Shabangu, in an ambush in 1989. Khoza publicly forgave de Kock.
Written by Lily Constantine, Online Content Editor
Apartheid killer, Eugene de Kock's parole being considered - Report
25, Jan 2014 | 10:11 AM (SAST) By : -SAPA
Photo: Eugene de Kock, Dirk Coetzee.
JOHANNESBURG: Correctional Services Minister Sbu Ndebele was considering the parole applications of several prisoners, including that of apartheid killer, Eugene de Kock, the Saturday Star reported.
Ndebele's spokesman Manelisi Wolela would not comment on whether de Kock's request for release had been approved or not.
"Over the past few months he [Ndebele] has considered the parole applications of hundreds of inmates sentenced to life imprisonment, including that of de Kock, which is currently receiving due consideration," Wolela was quoted as saying.
De Kock, who was nicknamed "Prime Evil" served as a policeman under the apartheid government.
He was arrested a week before Nelson Mandela's inauguration in 1994 for the deaths of scores of anti-apartheid activists.
In 1996, he was sentenced to 212 years for crimes against humanity.
In an affidavit submitted with his application, De Kock reportedly said he had served 17 years of his sentence and was eligible for parole.
"I am the only member of the South African Police Service that is serving a sentence for crimes which I had committed as part of the National Party's attempt to uphold apartheid and fight the liberation movements," De Kock said in the affidavit.
"Not one of the previous generals or ministers who were in the cabinet up to 1990 have been prosecuted at all.
"I would never have committed the crimes if it was not for the political context of the time, and the position I was placed in, and in particular the orders I had received from my superiors."
Eugene De Kock: I’m sorry for the loss of Dirk Coetzee
DE WET POTGIETER SOUTH AFRICA 12 MAR 2013 01:23 (SOUTH AFRICA)
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de wet on de cock coetzee.jpg
Convicted police hit squad commander Eugene de Kock’s fate was sealed the day that Dirk Coetzee started revealing in gruesome detail the activities of the Vlakplaas unit way back in1989. Overnight, Coetzee became the most hated person in the police force, and the hunt was on to silence him before he could do more damage exposing the atrocities committed against ANC activists. He managed to survive all the assassination bids. Following Coetzee’s death, however, De Kock last week phoned the Daily Maverick from jail with a special message to the grieving family, writes DE WET POTGIETER.
“Please convey my sincerest condolences to Dirk’s family,” was the message from De Kock, paying his last respects to the man who once was his arch-enemy. During the telephone conversation last Friday, De Kock told the Daily Maverick that he held no grudges against Coetzee and made peace with him in his heart years ago.
“When I heard the news two weeks ago that Dirk was in hospital and dying from kidney failure, I sent a message to his family that I was thinking of them and they were in my heart,” De Kock said.
Coetzee’s revelations as the whistleblower on the hit squads were directly responsible for the eventual incarceration of De Kock since 1994. He is serving two life sentences, totalling 212 years in jail.
“I never worked with Coetzee and didn’t know him personally when he spilled the beans, but we all then knew that he was doing a lot of damage and had to be silenced. Since those stormy days I made peace with myself and bear no grudges,” De Kock said. “It was war then… but since then the time for reconciliation had dawned on our country in 1994. We had to bury our hatchets and strive for reconciliation.”
De Kock, who pins his hopes on a presidential pardon to walk free in the near future, said he had learned through the years that hatred and vengeance devoured one from the inside.
During his marathon trial in the Pretoria Supreme Court (today the Gauteng North High Court) De Kock admitted that he had ordered Coetzee’s assassination. The top brass in the police knew that Coetzee was a loose cannon and De Kock realised that his revelations would do irreparable damage and expose the atrocities they had done.
There are others who are no fans of Coetzee, however. In sharp contrast to De Kock’s conciliatory gesture, the political activist and former TRC member Dumisa Ntsebeza recently described Coetzee as “the scum of the earth”.
Ntsebeza said if Coetzee were a human being with one decent bone in him, he would have been completely honest in front of the TRC, and that he appeared in front of the TRC simply because he was out of options.
He could have done much more to help find the bodies of activists killed by the security police, said Ntsebeza. "My sense was that he was a person who was heartless... to him, killing was just a job."
Ntsebeza’s anger for Coetzee is primarily related to the murders of Sizwe Khondile and Griffiths Mxenge in 1981. Coetzee was granted a chance to correct the wrongs of the past when he appeared in front of the TRC. He was given a chance to reveal all the detail of his involvement in the killings, and had to point out the graves of Mxenge, Khondile and the other victims.
Coetzee never pointed out Khondile’s grave until the day of his death, however; and this is a major bone of contention for Ntsebeza and other activists. They regard his unwillingness to cooperate in helping to find the graves of the Vlakplaas victims and to reach out to the families he destroyed as unacceptable.
Coetzee’s lawyer, Julian Knight, has lashed back at Ntsebeza, however. Knight said that “while not wishing to speak ill of the dead man and then in any event calling him the scum of the earth” revealed more of Ntsebeza than Coetzee.
“The truth is that Coetzee knew when he testified before the Harms Commission almost eight years earlier that the admissions made by him under oath, could be and eventually were used to convict him,” said Knight. “It must also not be forgotten that Coetzee’s amnesty application was one of the first to be received by the TRC, and without the revelations made by him to the Harms Commission earlier; it is doubtful whether the atrocities of the past would ever have become public knowledge.”
Knight said that Coetzee spoke his mind and was never prepared to grovel for anyone’s forgiveness.
“South Africa and the ANC can be thankful to the contribution Coetzee made in revealing the heart of the whore that he served with his heart and soul,” he said. DM
Photo: Eugene de Kock, Dirk Coetzee.
Police decorations and medals
• SA Police
• SAR Police
• SA Police Service
• Municipal police
• Ciskei Police
• Gazankulu Police
• KaNgwane Police
• KwaNdebele Police
• KwaZulu Police
• Lebowa Police
• QwaQwa Police
• SW Africa Police
• Transkei Police
• Venda National Force
• Venda Police
THE South African Police (SAP) was established in April 1913. It was superseded by the new South African Police Service (SAPS) in January 1995. The SAP had two series of decorations and medals : the first used from 1923 to 1963, and the second used from 1963 to 1995, and then continued by the SAPS until 2004.
South African Police medal ribbons 1923-63
The first series, initiated in June 1923, was very small, consisting of only two medals, each dual-purpose. During World Wars I and II, SAP members who volunteered for military service qualified for military decorations and medals.
Queen's Police Medal for Bravery (1937-61) — A South African variant of a British medal which had been available to the SAP until 1933. Initially (1937-52) called the "King's Police Medal", it was awarded for conspicuous bravery in fighting crime, or saving life or property, or in the line of duty. A total of 29 awards were made to SAP members. The first recipient (1938) was Lt Col R.A. Meston.
Insignia: A circular silver medal, displaying the head of King George VI or Queen Elizabeth II (obverse), and a cloaked and helmeted watchman with a sword and shield, and the words "For Bravery - Vir Dapperheid" (reverse).
Queen's Police Medal for Distinguished Service (1937-61) — A South African variant of a British medal which had been available to the SAP until 1933. Initially (1937-52) called the "King's Police Medal", it was awarded for specially distinguished service. Altogether, 15 awards were made.
Insignia: Same design as the medal for bravery, but with the words "Voortreflike Diens - Distinguished Service" on the reverse.
Police Good Service Medal (1923-63) — An original South African medal, awarded to "other ranks" only, for (i) distinctly gallant conduct, or (ii) 18 years exemplary service. Most of the 11 636 awards of this medal were for long service, and it takes precedence as a long service medal.
Insignia: Almost identical to the Prisons Good Service Medal: a circular silver medal, displaying the SA coat of arms and "Police Service - Politie Dienst" (obverse) and the words "For Faithful Service - Voor Trouwe Dienst" (reverse). The Dutch was later changed to the Afrikaans "Poliesie Diens" and "Vir Getroue Diens", and finally to "Polisiediens" and "Vir Troue Diens".
South African Police medal ribbons 1963-1004
The second series of SAP decorations and medals, introduced in May 1963, initially consisted of only four decorations and medals. It was enlarged in 1974, 1979, 1985, 1988, and 1989. An innovative feature, later copied by other services, was the use of Latin post-nominal letters, to avoid having different sets of initials in English and Afrikaans. The SA Police Service took over the SAP awards in January 1995, and used them until a new series of decorations and medals was instituted in May 2004.
SAP Star for Distinguished Leadership (SED) (1979-1986) — Awarded to general officers (in practice, only Commissioners of the SAP), for distinguished leadership, meritorious service to national security, or outstanding service to dynasties, heads of state or government. The first recipient was Gen Mike Geldenhuys.
Insignia: A gold Maltese cross with points between the arms, displaying an aloe plant (obverse). It can be worn on a neck ribbon or on a gold ceremonial chain. There is also a gold 4-pointed multi-rayed breast star, displaying the aloe emblem.
SAP Star for Distinguished Service (SOO) - 2nd Type (1979-1986) — Awarded to general officers, for meritorious service which promoted SAP efficiency or contributed actively to national security. About a dozen SOOs were awarded, the first recipient being Lt Gen F.L.C. Engels.
Insignia: A gold 6-pointed multi-rayed star, displaying a green 6-pointed star depicting a flaming winged torch and a pair of scales (obverse). It can be worn on a neck ribbon or on a silver-gilt ceremonial chain.
SAP Cross for Bravery (PCF) - 1st Type (1963-1989) — Awarded for conspicuous and exceptional gallantry in the line of duty, or in protecting or saving life or property. Only 13 decorations were awarded - the first recipient (1964) was Sgt J.R. Nienaber, who drowned while trying to rescue a man from the sea. Superseded by a new decoration of the same name.
Insignia: A gold layered cross, depicting a smaller cross on a gyronny background inside a blue circle inscribed "Vivit Post Funera Virtus" (obverse), and the national coat of arms (reverse). Worn on a neck ribbon. The decoration was designed by Lt J.M. de Wet.
SAP Cross for Bravery: Gold (PCFG) (1989-2004) — Awarded for outstanding bravery in extreme danger. First awarded (1991) to Maj André du Toit, for twice single-handedly disposing of bombs, and for bravery while leading a raid on an armed fugitive's hideout.
Insignia: Same design as the 1963 PCF, but smaller and with a narrower ribbon, and worn on the chest.
SAP Silver Cross for Gallantry (SCG) (1985-1989) — For conspicuous and exceptional gallantry while combating terrorism. Twenty-two awards were made, the first (1987) to WO C.J. Botha, for single-handedly pursuing and firing on three armed uMkhonto weSizwe fighters.
Insignia: A silver cross pattee displaying the SAP badge in gold (obverse) and the SAP Memorial (reverse). The cross was designed by Col Buks van Staden.
SAP Cross for Bravery: Silver (PCFS) (1989-2004) — Awarded for acts of exceptional bravery performed in great danger.
Insignia: Same design as the PCFG, but in silver.
SAP Cross for Bravery (PCF) - 2nd Type (1989-2004) — Awarded for acts of bravery performed while in danger.
Insignia: Same design as the PCFS, but in lower-grade silver.
SAP Star for Distinguished Service (SOO) - 1st Type (1963-1979) — Awarded for (i) particular gallantry in the line of duty or in protecting or saving life or property, or (ii) distinguished service. Superseded by the Star for Outstanding Service. Approximately 29 awards were made for gallantry, and 31 (to senior officers), for distinguished service.
Insignia: Same design as the 1979 SOO, but smaller and worn on the chest.
SAP Star for Outstanding Service (SOE) (1979-2004) — Awarded for (i) outstanding service, or (ii) (until 1989) for particular gallantry in the line of duty or in protecting or saving life or property. The first award for gallantry (1980) was to Const A.J. Hanekom, for trying to rescue children from a burning shack.
Insignia: A silver-gilt multi-rayed convex cross, displaying an aloe plant (obverse).
SAP Medal for Combating Terrorism (1974) — A campaign medal for service in preventing and combating terrorism after 26 August 1966, by (i) being in combat with terrorists, or (ii) being injured through terrorist activities, or (iii) completing 60 days (originally 6 months) counter-insurgency duty in a designated area. Awarded for operational service against the People's Liberation Army of Namibia in South West Africa (1966-89), for operations in Rhodesia (1967-75), and for internal security in South Africa.
Insignia: A 6-pointed silver star on a voided circlet decorated with aloe leaves (obverse), displaying the SAP badge (reverse). Clasps were added for additional periods of service.
SAP Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Commemoration Medal (1988) — Awarded to the + 90 000 members serving in the SAP on the occasion of the 75th anniversary on 1 April 1988.
Insignia: A circular bronze medal displaying the 75th anniversary logo (obverse) and the SAP badge (reverse).
SAPS Amalgamation Medal (1995) — Awarded to members of the eleven police forces which amalgamated to form the SAPS on 27 January 1995.
Insignia: A circular bronze medal displaying an aloe plant inside a wreath (obverse).
SAP Star for Merit (1963-2004) — For (i) particularly meritorious or exemplary service, or personal heroism, in the line of duty, or (ii) 30 years irreproachable service and exemplary conduct. As the majority of awards were made in the latter category, the medal ranks as a long service award.
Insignia: A 6-pointed multi-rayed silver star displaying two hands shielding a flame, and the letters VM, on a blue triangle on a white circlet (obverse).
SAP Star for Faithful Service (1979-2004) — For 20 years irreproachable service and exemplary conduct. A clasp could be added after 40 years.
Insignia: A circular silver medal displaying a cross of four aloes in the centre of an 8-pointed multi-rayed star (obverse) and the SAP badge (reverse).
SAP Medal for Faithful Service (1963-2004) — For 18 years (until 1979) or 10 years (from 1979) irreproachable service and exemplary conduct. Until 1979, a clasp could be added after 35 years service.
Insignia: A circular bronze medal displaying the shield and crest of the national arms (obverse) and the SAP badge (reverse).
South Africa Government Gazette 1324 (08.06.1923); 2478 (1911.1937); 5013 (27.02.1953); 547 (05.07.1963); 4171 (22.02.1974); 6451 (18.05.1979); 9597 (22.02.1985); 10552 (19.12.1986); 11251 (15.04.1988); 11969 (21.06.1989); and 26573 (16.07.2004).
Abbott, P.E. & Tamplin, J.M.A.; British Gallantry Awards (1971).
Alexander, E.G.M., Barron, G.K.B.; Bateman, A.J.; South African Orders, Decorations and Medals (1985).
Machanik, F.; 'The King's Police Medal' in SA Numismatic Journal (Oct 1969).
Mitchell, F.K.; 'South African Police Good Service Medal' in SA Numismatic Journal (Sep 1965).
Monick, S.; Awards of the South African Uniformed Public Services 1922-1987 (1988); and South African Civil Awards 1910-1990 (1990).
F.W.de Klerk, Pik Botha, Eugene de Kock en Ivor Ichikowitz.
postdateiconSondag, 14 April 2013 06:59 | postauthoriconGeskryf deur Koos Bester
Ivor Ichikowitz, the arms and oil broker who laid on his company jet to ferry Nelson Mandela to a Jacob Zuma election rally in Transkei, has made a career from turning political connections into profit.
Die politieke venters het klaarblyklik baie negosie te smous gehad toe hulle ná én voor FW de Klerk se Rooi Vrydag-toespraak in Februarie
1990 hul oorgawe aan die kommunistiese ANC onderhandel het.
In nog so 'n gesmous met Suid-Afrikaanse bates kom die beweerde verkwanseling van tonne aan wapens aan eendag vlieg-diktators van Afrika aan die beurt. Die SA Nasionale Weermag se fiasko in die Sentraal-Afrikaanse Republiek het ook die viskas met vrot rooi-aas wat dit betref oopgeruk.
Sover hierdie bewerings aangaan is 'n berig waarin die name van Pik Botha en 'n Suid-Afrikaanse Jood genoem word ter sake. Ewe belangrik egter ialts bewerings van kol. Eugene de Kock, 'n SAP-operateur van die eertydse Vlakplaas-teen-terreureenheid, dat daar nie altvan tonne se wapens en ammunisie wat in wapenopslagplekke in Zoeloeland versteek is, verantwoording gedoen kan word nie.
Sedert polisie-kaptein Deon Loots 'n beëdigde verklaring in die sogenaamde Boeremagsaak ingehandig het waarin die rol aangeroer is van vooraanstaandes in die De Klerk-regime, bekend as die Verligte Aksiegroep (VAG), is die aandag gevestig op die altbeweerde oorplaas van monetêre bates aan triljoene Amerikaanse dollar.
Hierdie vermeende oorplasing van bates en tonne muntmetaal na geheime bankrekeninge en bestemmings in die buiteland, het na bewering geskied met behulp van skemas soos projek Hamer. Gunther Schickelgruber verwys in sy boek Dokument X ook na die beweerde oorplaas van bates wat fabelagtige fortuine sou bedra.
In elk geval: Die beeld deur kerkleiers en die nuusmedia van 'n groepie NP-politici wat ter wille van waarheid en geregtigheid met die rug teen die muur met die kommunistiese ANC onderhandel, lê aan skerwe.
In die geval van die gesmous met wapens is daar 'n veel gewigtiger punt ter sake as wie met die winste wegloop of weggeloop het: Die Afrikaner en Blanke in die land is in ternouernood weens 'n algehele gebrek aan fisieke beskerming. Maak maar op enige dag in die week 'n koerant oop of besoek 'n webwerf as u 'n vreemde behae daaruit skep om getrakteer te word op die bloedige uitwissing van jou volk.
Sedert Jan van Riebeeck in sy gebed op die seestrand in Kaapstad na die Hottentotte verwys het as “dese wilde brutalen menschen” het die beskawingsvernis blykbaar niks aan die Afrika-mens kon verander nie.
Dit was WEG Louw, broer van NP van Wyk Louw en self 'n digter en skrywer van formaat, wat destyds in 'n rubriek in Die Burger en met die haatveldtog wat in Engelstalige koerante in Suid-Afrika en internasionaal gevoer is, verklaar het een van die eerste dinge wat die Nederlanders na hul landing in 1652 gedoen het was om 'n fort te bou. Sien, hierdie mense, onaangeraak deur propaganda en gemoedsoorrompeling waaronder skynbaar elke Westerling waar ook al in die wêreld vandag ly, het nog oor hul oorlewingsinstinkte beskik.
Sonder 'n verdedigingsbolwerk sou die Westerling in Afrika nooit kon nie.
Die vroeë geskiedenis van ons stigtervaders is 'n geskiedenis van verdediging, ook deur die owerheid waargeneem. Waar die owerheid dit nie kon waarneem, is dit self gedoen, met of sonder die sanksie van die owerheid. So het die kommandostelsel ontstaan terwyl daar terselfdertyd 'n verantwoordelike vuurwapenkultuur onder ons voorgeslagte ontwikkel het wat van elke voorposboer 'n skerpskutter gemaak het, vra maar vir die Engelse van die Eerste en Tweede Vryheidsoorlog.
Dit was dus geen verrassing toe die ANC-regime korte mette met die kommandostelsel gemaak het nie. Dit was ook geen verrassing toe die ANC-regime met allerhande wysigings aan die vuurwapenwet gekom het ten einde die Afrikaner se fisieke weerbaarheidsvermoë lam te lê nie.
Wat wel 'n verrassing is, is die dodelike verontskuldiging van die grootste weldoener aan nie kommuniste, Lenin, Stalin en Henry Kissinger dalk uitgesluit. Ja, al weer 'n verwysing na die vooraanstaande VAG-lid en Rooi Vrydagtoespraakmaker FW de Klerk.
Nie dat De Klerk sy eie weerbaarheid hier tussen Afrika se “wilde en brutalen menshen” links laat lê word nie, hy kry 'n gepantserde motor van 'n paar miljoen rand waarmee hy in die skilderagtige Kaap kan rondry.
Dan is daar 'n minder bekende feit: De Klerk is volgens vele bronne wat destyds toe hy die land in die grond regeer het in die parlementsgebou se wandelgange bestempel as 'n buitengewoon goeie pistoolskut. Gebore aanleg? Of oefen hy gereeld?
Maak nie saak nie. Wat saak maak is dat so ver sy eie veiligheid betref, De Klerk voorsiening gemaak het.
Nogal selfsugtig, nè, as u u moet voorstel op vele plase, in voorstedelike huise en plakkerskampe in die land trotseer honderde Blankes nag ná nag en dag ná dag die bloedige land wat De Klerk geskep het, die Handves van Menseregte nou net bloedbevlekte konfetti.
Maar wag, wat skryf ons alles? Het julle dan vergeet kommunisme is 'n onwerkbare ideologie, dat die Sowjet-Unie uitmekaar gespat en die Berlynse Muur geval het! Alles is mos nou op 'n mooi galop! As u dit nie wil glo nie, lees maar daardie gewigtige toespraak wat De Klerk op
24 November 2009 afgesteek het, net om een van die groot redes waarom De Klerk en Pik Botha anderkant die reënboog beland het, agter te kom.
Van Pik gepraat.
Die ere-kolonel van die Suid-Afrikaanse lugmag. Die ou Suid-Afrikaanse Lugmag, die een wat nog in die lug kon kom, al was dit in ou Flossies en Mirages en Sabers, 'n Boer maak 'n plan.
Oor Pik Botha se hulp in die bewapening van eendagvlieg-diktators van Afrika moet die toekoms en geregtigheid 'n oordeel vel, wat soldate wat Botha op die grens in die bos waargeneem het betref: Sy militêre aanvoeling sal hom by dieselfde resultaat bring as om neurochirurgie met bokshandskoene te doen. Daar was die dag toe die parlementariërs 'n besoek aan die troepe in die bos gebring het, Pik Botha wat 'n bietjie sports wou maak deur geweerpatrone in die kampvuur te gooi...
Daarby verstaan ons dat mnr. Botha veral om een rede kans sien vir die Nuwe Suid-Afrika: Hy geniet die ANC se BBP-beskerming.
Ja, die parlementariërs het hul soms baie dapper gedra deur ook bos en grens toe te gaan. As u dit nie wil glo nie, vra maar vir die IVP-hoofsweep en baanbreker-KP-onderhandelaar met die ANC, Koos van der Merwe.
Op 'n dag is dit Kortbroek Marthinus van Schalkwyk, nou ANC-kommissaris vir toerisme en vermiste renosterhorings, se beurt om 'n woordjie in te kry in die Volksraad. Kortbroek was toe nog meer bekend oor sy hegte vriendskappe met Inkatha-jeuglede as sy goeie verhoudings met Swart tuiniers.
Kortbroek se presiese woorde “uit die kombuis” (dis waar agterbankers gesit het, weggesteek onder 'n galery), het in die geskiedenis vervaag.
Maar spring Koos van der Merwe vir 'n punt van orde op, die kleur van beet wat maar vaal sal afsteek teen sy gelaatskleur, so het Kortbroek hom ontstel.
Kortbroek het volgens Van der Merwe 'n yslike veiligheidskrisis veroorsaak deur die parlementariërs se besoek aan die grens uit te lap.
Vandag is die grens of die bos veiliger as die straat wat voor jou woonplek verbygaan. Ook veiliger as die skool, die werk, die kerk, bank en winkel.
Die volgende berigte het as agtergrond gedien:
DIE IMPAK WAT DIE VAL VAN DIE BERLYNSE MUUR GEHAD HET OP SUID-AFRIKA EN DIE WÊRELD
FW de Klerk Stigting
24 11 2009 Maandag het F W de Klerk aan die Globale Strategiese Forum in Londen gesê dat die val van die Berlynse muur deur die geskiedenis sal weergalm met `n soortgelyke impak as die val van die Bastille twee honderd jaar vantevore. Die val van die muur het `n simbool geword vir die val van internasionale kommunisme en die einde van die bipolêre wêreld. Wat moontlik selfs meer noemenswaardig is, is dat dit `n aanduider was van die mislukking van ideologie en sosiale manipulasie om werkbare oplossings te bied vir die uitdagings van menslike gemeenskappe. Bowenal was dit `n oorwinning vir vryheid - vir die burgers en lande van die voormalige Sowjetunie en sy Oos-Europese bondgenote. De Klerk het gesê hy glo kommunisme het geval omdat dit vir enige rasionele waarnemer duidelik geword het dat vrye markte `n veel groter rykdom en hoër lewenstandaarde genereer as doktrinêre bevelsekonomieë.
Burgers van die Sowjetunie en Oos-Europa kon nie langer geïsoleer word van die impak van globalisering nie. Die nuwe generasie wou Amerikaanse jeans hê, die Rolling Stones en die Beatles - nie Marx en Lenin nie. Soos met alle vallende ryke was die hoofoorsaak egter die leierskap wat vertroue verloor het in die politieke mitologie waarop hul stelsel baseer is. Binne `n paar kort maande het hierdie heeltemal onvoorspelbare en onverwagte gebeure die Verenigde Nasies as die enigste, onbetwiste globale supermag gelaat. Sy politieke en ekonomiese stelsels het as wenners uit die stryd getree en het gevorm wat Francis Fukiyama genoem het die “Einde van Geskiedenis. Die uiteinde was, onvermydelik, `n graad van aanmatigheid. Amerikaanse neo-konserwatiewe intellektuele het gevra of die Verenigde Nasies die voorneme gehad het om “`n nuwe eeu te vorm ten gunste van Amerikaanse beginsels en belange.” Hierdie visie het die bevordering van politieke en ekonomiese vryhede reg deur die wêreld ingesluit sowel as die behoud van `n “wêreldorde wat goedgesind was teenoor Amerika se sekuriteit, voorspoed en beginsels”.
Die uiteinde was die tweede Irakese Oorlog - waartydens die VS betrokke was in `n teer-put van konflik wat hy nie verstaan het nie en waarvan hy homself nog moes bevry. In Irak en Afganistan het Amerika - teen `n reuse prys - die beperkinge van sy militêre mag besef. Ter selfde tyd is sy ekonomiese mag en aansien ernstig geknou deur die ekonomiese krisis. Neo-kommuniste het van oral te voorskyn gekom en verklaar dat hulle immers al die tyd reg was oor die swakheid van kapitalisme. Maar, soos Nobel ekonoom Joseph Stiglitz opgemerk het:
“Daar was nog nooit `n suksesvolle ekonomie wat nié swaar op markte gesteun het nie.” Die probleem was nie die bewese werkverrigtingsvoertuig van vrye markte nie, maar die roekelose manier waarop daardie voertuig bestuur is - dikwels deur die verkeerspolisie self! Die antwoord was beslis nie om terug te keer na bevel-sosialisme nie.
Die Klerk het opgemerk dat daar in die post-1989 wêreld feitlik `n einde was aan oorloë tussen lande. Amper alle konflikte was nou binne in lande met etniese, godsdienstige en kulturele gemeenskappe.
Godsdienstige en kulturele vervreemding was ook onder die hoofoorsake van internasionale terrorisme. Een van die grootste uitdagings van die nuwe millennium is om kulturele en godsdienstige vervreemding aan te spreek en om met benaderings na vore te kom wat verskillende gemeenskappe in staat sal stel om in vrede saam te bestaan.
Die ander dominante ontwikkeling sedert 1989 was die versnelling van globalisering. Dit het `n nuwe raamwerk geskep vir internasionale verhoudinge waarin geen gemeenskap of land ignoreer kon word nie. In hierdie interafhanklike wêreld het die val van die Berlynse muur dramatiese gevolge gehad vir Suid-Afrika se grondwetlike transformasie.
Een van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se kern politiese en strategiese bekommernisse voor 1989 was die uitbreiding van Sowjet invloed in suidelike Afrika. `n Groot meerderheid van die ANC se nasionale uitvoerende komitee was ook lede van die SAKP. Die kompetisie tussen die vrye wêreld en die Sowjetblok het plaasgevind deur middel van struggle vir bevryding in die derde wêreld - waarvan sommige in Suider-Afrika was. Gedurende die 1980’s was SAW eenhede betrokke by direkte konflik in suidelike Angola wat aangevoer is deur die Sowjet en Kubaanse magte.
Die val van die Sowjetunie het een van die grootste hindernisse in die pad van `n onderhandelde skikking in Suid-Afrika uit die weggeruim, en het `n geleentheid geskep wat die regering aangegryp het. Nooit vantevore en nooit weer sou die balans van magte so goedgunstiglik wees vir `n regverdig onderhandelde skikking nie.
Volgens F W de Klerk kan die volgende gevolgtrekkings gemaak word van die twintig jaar sedert November 1989: Lande wat ekonomiese vryheid en vrye markte geniet het, het baie beter gevaar as daardie lande met gesentraliseerde bevelsekonomieë; Pragmatisme geniet voorkeur bó enige tipe ideologie: insluitende Sowjet-kommunisme; Verwoerdiaanse aparte ontwikkeling; en selfs die neo-kommuniste se nuwe Amerikaanse eeu; Ons is toenemend interafhanklik: gebeure enige plek ter wêreld kan lande regoor die wêreld affekteer; Indien ons globale probleme wil aanspreek
- soos aardverwarming en armoede in die derde wêreld - moet ons saamwerk; Die eenpolige wêreld het tot `n einde gekom - en ons staan op die punt om `n era van multipolariteit binne te gaan; Die grootste bedreiging vir vrede spruit nou uit konflikte tussen kulturele, etniese en godsdienstige gemeenskappe binne in lande; Dit is onwys - selfs vir die magtigste lande - om betrokke te raak by langdurige militêre ondernemings ver van hul eie kuste en verwyderd van hul eie kernbelange; In `n vinnig veranderende wêreld is die toekoms onvoorspelbaar; en daar is geen einde aan geskiedenis nie.
@Daily Maverick 27.3.2013
Hidden somewhere in KwaZulu-Natal are 64 tonnes of explosives and weapons of war. Dating back to the blood feuds between the ANC and the IFP on the killing fields of KZN, the weapons were trucked by convicted police hit squad commander, Eugene de Kock, who personally passed military hardware to Inkatha warlords. Only a fraction of those lethal arms caches had been recovered before the main warlord, Phillip Powell, escaped to Britain – with the little help of allies in the National Prosecuting Authority. Last week, De Kock sent a message from jail to the authorities, demanding that the search for the missing weapons be rekindled, before further bloodshed hits the country. By DE WET POTGIETER.
Eugene De Kock is in a fighting mood. The convicted commander has evidently decided to hit back at the people who purportedly bungled vital information he provided to help locate the hidden arms caches.
And, he says, on their watch the kingpin behind the controversial KwaZulu-Natal military stockpile slipped out of the country.
The team from the Special Investigation Unit in charge of the search – and whom De Kock assisted with information while still incarcerated in C-Max – were Advocate Gert Nel from the NPA in KZN and Superintendent Wentzel Diederichs.
De Kock informed authorities last week that he wanted to lay charges of crimen injura against Nel for describing him as “a known liar” who “cannot be believed” in a report to the head of the NPA.
Diederichs, meanwhile, has died since the investigation.
De Kock’s chief bugbear is the way he was allegedly treated by the SIU, and relates to information he gave during testimony before the Defence Intelligence Commission in the late 1990s. During his two days of testimony before representatives from every intelligence agency in South Africa, De Kock warned that the government had recovered none of the arms caches he had supplied to Inkatha’s Phillip Powell. This was despite the fact that he had previously given full and detailed statements to this effect after his arrest in 1994.
When Advocate Marumo Moerane, who chaired the Defence Intelligence Commission’s hearing during the late 1980s - 1990s, asked De Kock how they could convince Powell to cooperate and reveal the location of the hidden caches, he suggested that the man should be arrested and prosecuted for being in possession of the arms.
Although he supplied the massive stockpile of weapons and explosives to Powell, De Kock claims he was never privy to the locations where the arsenals were cached.
Powell was then arrested and he agreed to point out the two huge arms caches, but only identified one before fleeing the country. De Kock said in his statement he had warned the authorities that Powell had both SA and British passports and would flee if he got the opportunity.
According to De Kock, Nel and Diederichs visited him in C-Max during this time and interrogated him “intensely” about the outstanding arms, ammunition and explosives and more. At that stage of his life behind bars, De Kock was still incarcerated in isolation in C-Max, and was totally unaware of what had happened on the outside with Powell.
Nel and Diederichs showed him an album full of photographs of more than seven tonnes of armament discovered in the first cache.
De Kock hand-wrote a whole list of arms, ammunition and explosives still outstanding. “I was intensely interrogated,” he described the meeting in C-Max. “They, Nel and Diederichs, said that not all arms were found, and I had to make a list for them as we sat in front of warders.”
They allegedly pulled out a comprehensive album with colour photos of all the arms recovered from the first cache. “On one of the photos, Superintendent Diederichs was sitting on a case of explosives smoking a cigarette.”
De Kock then told the investigators that not all arms were found, in particular not the 20,000 detonators and a truck-load of landmines.
“Advocate Nel became very abrasive in manner and asked me to make a list. I was handed an A4 paper, and Advocate Nel handed me a silver pen, and I drew up a list of outstanding arms from my memory and personal knowledge,” said De Kock.
“At that moment, unaware what have happened - being in total, absolute isolation for 23 hours a day lockdown - I saw Diederichs turn as white as chalk and Nel’s whole face turn red as a turkey neck,” he described the meeting. “I remember clearly, as I am writing here now, that Diederichs, as I feared, was going to have a heart attack, and Nel was to have a massive stroke and I was going to be blamed for it and charged.”
They walked out without saying anything further and a few days later De Kock heard that Powell had skipped the country without showing the investigating team the location of the second cache.
Several weeks later, he was shown a copy of Nel’s report to the head of the NPA that all the arms were found. This was the same report that described him (De Kock) as “a known liar” who could not be believed.
“Since that report, every year, once or twice, and even as recently as last year, I was questioned again by a Superintendent Dewey and others about where the rest of the arms are,” said De Kock.
“I want to lay charges against Advocate Nel for ‘crimen injuria’
calling me a liar in a false report he sent to the Director General of the NPA and the Minister of Justice.
“I also want him charged for defeating the ends of justice, as he clearly assisted Phillip Powell in escaping justice by neglecting his duties in taking Powell to the second cache, or arresting him for failing to point out the second cache.
“My truth has not been neutralised by Advocate Nel’s lies and the truth remains intact.”
De Kock added that Advocate Chris Macadam and various others would be able to assist in this issue.
Powell fled the country on the eve of his arrest in 2000, apparently to study in London.
Investigators confirmed soon after he skipped the country that of the
70 tonnes of weapons handed over to Powell by De Kock in 1993, Powell only pointed out six tonnes. They were uncovered in Nquthu, north of Ulundi, just before the 1999 elections.
The weapons were part of a 70 tonne, six-truck consignment De Kock delivered to Powell in 1993, in preparation for possible war during the 1994 general elections. It came from the “managing director” of the Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB), Joe Verster. The CCB was the notorious front organisation of the Apartheid era’s military strategy to disrupt the ANC’s underground networks and assassinate target people in the struggle.
Sixty-four tons of weapons are still outstanding, and it is believed the majority of these are in KwaZulu-Natal.
Powell, a former security policeman with strong links to Vlakplaas, oversaw the training of more than 8,000 IFP-aligned self-protection unit militias in preparation for a possible civil war ahead of the
His failure to disclose all the weapons has put paid to a special deal his lawyers struck with the then-provincial director of public prosecutions, advocate Mokotedi Mpshe, to indemnify Powell from any prosecution after he disclosed the Nquthu arms cache.
@The arms dealer who flies Zuma
Mail & Guardian 13 Maart 2009
Ivor Ichikowitz, the arms broker who laid on his jet to ferry Nelson Mandela to a rally, has made it his business to get close to key power-brokers.
Ivor Ichikowitz, the arms and oil broker who laid on his company jet to ferry Nelson Mandela to a Jacob Zuma election rally in Transkei, has made a career from turning political connections into profit.
Last December Ichikowitz flew Zuma in the luxuriously converted Boeing
727 to Lebanon and Kazakhstan for what the Mail & Guardian understands were African National Congress (ANC) fundraising and business meetings.
Ichikowitz confirmed he provided that flight gratis, but said he went along to test recent upgrades to the jet and did not attend the meetings.
At its commercial charter rate, $14 000 an hour, a return trip to Kazakhstan would have cost upwards of R5-million.
An M&G probe of Ichikowitz’s relations with the ANC and prominent Zuma backers indicates a man who has made it his business to get close to key power-brokers.
Mathews Phosa, who shared a number of company directorships with Ichikowitz before his elevation to ANC treasurer; Moeletsi Mbeki, brother of the former president, who opened doors for Ichikowitz into Africa; Sandi Majali, former Thabo Mbeki acolyte and business frontman for the ANC and Kgalema Motlanthe in ill-fated oil trades with Saddam Hussein; Robert Gumede, owner of IT company GijimaAST and a prominent Zuma backer; Pik Botha, former National Party politician and long-time friend of the Ichikowitz family, who provided an entrée to African leaders including former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo.
Ichikowitz (42) made a fortune selling surplus South African armoured vehicles into Africa and the Middle East, and seems to have manoeuvred his way into Zuma’s inner circle.
He was prominent among public donors to the ANC at a Zuma fundraiser organised by Gumede in October last year, pledging R6-million.
He told the M&G the business community should “transparently and voluntarily provide both the financial and skills resources political parties need to participate in the democratic process”.
He denies direct or indirect business dealings with any political party. But his best-known entanglement with ANC funding occurred via his association with Majali and his Imvume group.
Ichikowitz, who also represents controversial commodities trader Glencore, partnered Majali in his 2001 bid to supply Iraqi crude to South Africa under the controversial oil-for-food programme allowing limited trade with Saddam’s Iraq.
In 2005 the M&G revealed Majali, with official ANC backing, intended setting up an oil trading operation intended to benefit the ANC and Saddam’s Ba’ath party.
Ichikowitz was also Majali’s partner in a contract to supply PetroSA condensate for its Mossel Bay refinery.
The M&G exposed how Majali diverted R11-million of state oil money to the ANC before the 2004 election, but Oilgate also strained relations between the partners as Majali’s actions created a cash-flow crisis for Ichikowitz’s company.
Ichikowitz told the M&G he was unaware of the link between Majali’s company and the ANC and is no longer in business with Majali.
Moeletsi Mbeki, a key strategist for the Congress of the People, now appears to distance himself from close association with Ichikowitz. He said they were now in only one business together, a cattle feedlot enterprise.
Company records show a number of past African joint ventures, including the agency for Mahindra vehicle sales in South Africa.
Ichikowitz said they had been friends “for many years” and went into business together about six years ago.
He said he had been friends with Gumede since about 1989 “and [we] worked together in our family business before he started his own businesses”.
“We have no active business together and remain family friends.”
Phosa once served on the boards of several companies with Ichikowitz, notably Vuka Fleet Management and Vuka Municipal Services, joint ventures between Phosa’s Vuka group and TFM, the truck body manufacturer hived off from the armoured vehicle company now owned by BAE-Systems.
Ichikowitz said Phosa had been “a family friend since his return from exile in the 1990s ... I have no interest in Mathews’s businesses, nor he in mine.”
Ichikowitz may have slipped easily from the Mbeki era into the post-Polokwane ANC, but he has also taken advantage of family political connections stretching back to apartheid.
A source close to the family said former apartheid foreign minister Pik Botha was introduced to the Ichikowitzes by the late John Pearce, then the Johannesburg council’s security head.
Pearce, embedded in the apartheid security establishment, was fired in
1991 following revelations about military intelligence dirty-tricks operations.
Botha, whom Ichikowitz describes as “a long-standing friend”, has been an informal adviser to Ichikowitz and was also said to have promoted Ichikowitz’s other main business: selling reconditioned surplus South African military equipment into Africa and the Middle East.
Here too, Ichikowitz appears to have benefited from his ANC associations, with a defence department investigation into his trading activities suppressed before it could produce results.
Dit is onthul dat die Suid-Afrikaanse wapensmous Paramount die Sentraal-Afrikaanse Republikeinse hoofstad, Bangui, besoek het om 'n wapentransaksie met François Bozizé op die vooraand van die staatsgreep te bespreek.
Paramount se werknemers, Miles Chambers en Clement Salanga, het in die land se hoofstad aangekom op Vrydag 22 Maart om die Fransman Emmanuel Rutman uit Parys te ontmoet, het timeslive.co.za berig.
Op 23 Maart, oppad om die president te ontmoet, is die Paramount-span egter naby Bozizé se paleis vir vyf uur lank aangehou.
Terwyl rebelle in 'n geveg met Suid-Afrikaanse troepe op die buitewyke van die stad die middag gewikkel was, het Bozizé se soldate gevlug.
Die Paramount-span het na 'n diplomaat se huis gehardloop en weggekruip vir twee dae lank voordat hulle deur Franse troepe gered is en terug na Suid-Afrika gevlieg is in 'n Paramount-jet.
"Ons het hul Suid-Afrikaanse paspoorte in die tuin weggesteek," het die diplomaat gesê. "Ons was bang die Seleka ouens sou kom en ons doodmaak."
Paramount behoort aan Ivor Ichikowitz, uitvoerende hoof, en hy is 'n goeie vriend van die oud-NP-minister Pik Botha. Hy het sy fortuin gemaak daaruit om die vorige bedeling se weermagtoerusting in Afrika en die Midde-Ooste te gaan verkoop deur Botha se bemiddeling, het die M&G vroeër berig.
Dieselfde Ichikowitz is ook daarvoor verantwoordelik dat Suid-Afrikaanse verbruikers hopeloos te veel vir Apple-produkte betaal.
"Daar was geen [wapen]handelsooreenkoms nie. Daar was 'n formele brief van uitnodiging van die president om 'n aanbieding te maak, maar dit was so ver onder in die voedselketting, ek was nie eens daarvan bewus nie." het Ichikowitz by navraag gesê.
Gerugte dat die Franse verantwoordelik was vir die snelle opmars van die Seleka-rebelle na die hoofstad Bangui, is intussen bevestig deur die militêre kenner Helmut Römer-Heitmann in sy boek The Battle of
Bangui: The untold inside story.
Die VN se top-amptenaar in die Sentraal Afrikaanse Republiek sê sy is nie in 'n posisie om te verduidelik watter rol Suid-Afrikaanse soldate in die land gespeel het nie.
Margaret Vogt sê sy kan ook nie lig werp op hoekom hulle in die kruisvuur beland het toe Seleka-rebelle verlede maand die hoofstad Bangui oorgeneem het nie. Sy het met joernaliste gepraat na 'n geslote inligtingsessie van die VN Veiligheidsraad.
Sy sê sy kan nie bevestig hoeveel Suid-Afrikaners dood is nie. Volgens Vogt het sy nooit Suid-Afrikaanse soldate raakgeloop op besoeke aan die presidensiële paleis van die voormalige president Francois Bozize nie en daarmee gerugte dat Suid-Afrika die president opgepas het, die nek ingeslaan.
Vogt sê die veiligheid situasie in die SAR is baie gespanne, en die onttrekking van die Suid-Afrikaanse soldate los 'n verdere leemte.
Dit sal waarskynlik verdere menseregteskendings - soos die werwing van kindersoldate deur die Seleka-rebelle – lei.